Friday, November 14, 2008

The Body as a site of resistance: activism in an era of neoliberalism

By H.Bedi

Underlying much Indian organizing around industrialization and development issues are concerns about the changing political and economic regimes promoted locally, nationally, and globally. The rise of neoliberal forces has created a different context for organizing and activism in India. With the encouragement of capitalism in particular, many communities and broader struggles question who is gaining from market liberalization. Protest against economic liberalization has been partially shaped through actions where the body of affected communities and other concerned citizens have been used as sites of resistance. The body as a site of resistance has proved to be a particularly poignant and charged form of protest, particularly when examined from a gendered perspective. Activists have used their bodies in a range of ways to represent their opposition. They have physically blocked industrial construction, undergone hunger strikes, walked hundreds of kilometres in padyatra, sat in dharna, and placed their emotional and physical bodies at risk in a myriad of other forms.

This piece will look at a specific form of bodily protest in relation to a Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in Orissa. Seen as a part of the economic liberalization of India, SEZs are spaces owned and managed by private entities within a sovereign nation that abide by a special set of trade and economic laws, provide sophisticated infrastructure and tax incentives, and are designed to promote economic growth (Seminar 2008). In the protest against these zones, the body becomes a source of power, but what are the ramifications for those involved, particularly women? What are the gendered connotations when women occupy a site and are met by a private security force that is entirely or predominantly male? There is a particular vulnerability for some women using their body as a site of resistance. This has been painfully evident when women protesting SEZs in Nandigram endured brutal sexual violence.

This thought piece is based on reflections from on-going fieldwork and secondary resources. Through a review of media information, and qualitative interviews with activists and communities affected by industrialization, certain patterns of protest and themes of injustice have emerged. Respondents describe that they feel as though the threat of displacement and disenfranchisement, particularly among agrarian communities, is occurring on a new scale as industrialization is promoted. Some also describe heightened aggression and violence against communities and other protestors when they physically stop or block industrial activities. Despite this perceived threat, communities, including women, actively use their bodies as a medium to display their discontent with exclusionary industrialization. In doing so, women actively engage in the struggle and at times this intimate form of protest renders them vulnerable and may further existing marginalization related to class and gender. Recent protest related to the promotion of Special Economic Zones reveal how and why women chose to protest with their bodies, desperation associated with the struggles, and the particular ramifications they face as a result of their decisions.

As quoted in Business standard, an affected villager, Sulachana Dei, explains, "we are ready to give our land but not leave one inch of land for Posco steel project" (Business Standard 2008). The South Korean Pohang Steel Company (POSCO)’s plans to establish a steel plant, mines, and a port in Orissa state have led to much civil unrest, violence, and political maneuvering. POSCO applied for SEZ status, and while the status was delayed, moved forward with alternate environmental clearances. Posco’s survey teams attempted to enter Dhinika village in February 2008. Their movement was halted by hundreds of women, children, and other villagers who created fences around the circumference of the village. This collective monitored the fence using bows and arrows, lathis and other weapons to ensure that the teams could not enter the site. Women stood shoulder to shoulder with men and children armed only with bows and arrows to defend themselves against the power of the company and the state.

The head of a local organizing movement states, "village women have taken oath near village Goddess not to give one inch of land to the said project." The villagers prefer not to face the uncertainty of displacement, and have actively used their bodies as a virtual shield from the land encroachment. Occupation of any industrial site is potentially dangerous for anyone, but entry into a special economic zone can be particularly perilous because these zones do not have local or national police guards. Instead they operate under a distinct set of laws, and are governed by private security forces employed by corporations. Although police accountability in India can be questionable in many instances, SEZ private security firms have even less accountability to protect the welfare of local community members- particularly women who may not usually be so visible in an industrial site.

For the women protestors, there is also a level of social exposure and uncertainty associated with this form of resistance. How will male security forces respond to their body shield? How will their community view them after they have spent time in physical protest? Despite their sacrifice, in August 2008 the Indian Supreme Court ruled to allow Posco to use large amounts of forest land, possibly displacing 20,000 people. In September, affected community members continued to protest, carrying bows, arrows and sticks, against the plant.

In Orissa, affected villagers directly used their bodies as sites of resistance to demonstrate their rejection of this form of industrialization. Streaming through this example is personal and collective conviction, threats of violence, a strong connection to land, and a willingness to place the individual body in harms way to protect their land and dignity. Through these actions, some women occupy new spaces that are usually predominantly masculine areas of work. The presence of women in what may be considered masculine spaces is quite remarkable in the local cultural context. In this way, they go from being invisible or not present in these industrial spaces to visible protestors, and in certain instances at risk of social or physical scrutiny. They were susceptible to violence, and the potential post-protest social ramifications.

This example is illustrative of the extent that communities feel pushed by economic liberalization and industrialization that is not aligned with their connection to agriculture and land. The strain of this threat has pushed many women to protest in this manner, exposing them to physical risk and possible social repercussions. Some of these women have never protested in their life, and to lay their emotional and physical bodies on the line to protect their families and land is an extreme display of their personal convictions. As this is research in progress many questions remain unanswered, and there continues to be much to learn and understand about women and how they use their bodies as sites of resistance to SEZs.

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