Gomantak Times, January 13, 2009
A career in public relations definitely ‘pays’ more than journalism. Sujoy Gupta knows better.
This former journalist, who’s just sued anti-mining activist, Seby Rodrigues for libel and claimed Rs.500-crore in the Calcutta High Court in damages for defaming his newfound paymasters…Fomento Mining Company Limited, a leading mining outfit which is engineering a media blitzerieg against anti-mining activists. Gupta who has been hired by the mining firm as ‘vice president corporate communications’, hails from Naxal-ridden Bengal and was the first to manufacture and back a lie about Seby-starring Naxalism scare in the media and the state’s political consciousness. Herculean efforts were made to feed journos with ‘leads’ and photographs which were supposed to show Seby coaxing villagers to revolt. All a part of a skewed brief which comes with being an employee of a mining firm.
Gupta knows which side his bread is buttered. But, somewhere in those villages which are giving way to mammoth mining craters, there are villagers who can still show you the welts and bruises when the police mercilessly battered them for trespassing, what were once their once their own fields. You can’t play drums here the way you can at hip joints like Cavalas. There, house-sized generators running 24 hours, don’t even let you hear your own thoughts most times.
Gupta has now taken up residence in Moira, while claiming to be a resident of Kolkata in his defamation suit. That’s either mischief or a chronic squint, with eyeballs running across two different parts of the country. Or maybe its Moira. Or perhaps it’s just feni (his self-admitted obsession).
Friday, January 16, 2009
Fomento claims Rs. 500 crore in libel suit against Seby
Gomantak Times, January 06, 2009
Sociedade de Fomento Industrial Private limited has filed a defamation suit against Siolim-based environmentalist Sebastian alias Seby Rodrigues seeking damages to the tune of Rs. 500 crore for allegedly defaming the company through posts on his blog (www.mandgoa.blogspot.com).
Interestingly however, the defamation suit has been filed before the Kolkata High Court by Sujay Gupta, who is the company’s vice-president (communications), claiming that the website had circulation all over India including the city of Kolkata and was accessible from any corner of the world through the internet.
Gupta, a former journalist who recently joined the Timblo-run Fomento group, said Seby for quite some time had been creating unwanted, unwarranted obstruction to the smooth functioning of the plaintiff at Colomba and Advalpal mines for which various proceedings followed and all such proceedings had gone in favour of the plaintiff.
From April, 2008 onwards Seby had been publishing various news items in his aforesaid blog/website as against the plaintiff containing wholly false and grossly defamatory statements which were being published with the object of maligning and vilifying the plaintiff in the eyes of the general public.
Some of the extracts of the so called ‘false news items’ published in the blog, have also been mentioned in the petitioned.
By publishing such false, defamatory statements in his blog, the defendant has acted not only in an utterly irresponsible manner but also with malafide intention, Gupta said in the suit.
‘Attempt to silence defence of ecology’
Sebastian Rodrigues, said the Kolkata High Court has prevented him from writing any articles about the company on his blog/website till January 15, when the suit will come up for hearing.
When contacted, Rodrigues, alleged that it was an attempt by the mining industry to silence the ongoing process in defence of the ecology and environment that was under assault in the state.
He also pointed out that an attempt was also made to silence him some months ago by branding him a ‘Naxalite’ by the Leader of the Opposition, Manohar Parrikar.
Sociedade de Fomento Industrial Private limited has filed a defamation suit against Siolim-based environmentalist Sebastian alias Seby Rodrigues seeking damages to the tune of Rs. 500 crore for allegedly defaming the company through posts on his blog (www.mandgoa.blogspot.com).
Interestingly however, the defamation suit has been filed before the Kolkata High Court by Sujay Gupta, who is the company’s vice-president (communications), claiming that the website had circulation all over India including the city of Kolkata and was accessible from any corner of the world through the internet.
Gupta, a former journalist who recently joined the Timblo-run Fomento group, said Seby for quite some time had been creating unwanted, unwarranted obstruction to the smooth functioning of the plaintiff at Colomba and Advalpal mines for which various proceedings followed and all such proceedings had gone in favour of the plaintiff.
From April, 2008 onwards Seby had been publishing various news items in his aforesaid blog/website as against the plaintiff containing wholly false and grossly defamatory statements which were being published with the object of maligning and vilifying the plaintiff in the eyes of the general public.
Some of the extracts of the so called ‘false news items’ published in the blog, have also been mentioned in the petitioned.
By publishing such false, defamatory statements in his blog, the defendant has acted not only in an utterly irresponsible manner but also with malafide intention, Gupta said in the suit.
‘Attempt to silence defence of ecology’
Sebastian Rodrigues, said the Kolkata High Court has prevented him from writing any articles about the company on his blog/website till January 15, when the suit will come up for hearing.
When contacted, Rodrigues, alleged that it was an attempt by the mining industry to silence the ongoing process in defence of the ecology and environment that was under assault in the state.
He also pointed out that an attempt was also made to silence him some months ago by branding him a ‘Naxalite’ by the Leader of the Opposition, Manohar Parrikar.
Thursday, January 15, 2009
Police after Ambaulim activist
Dear All
For your information, Quepem Police has been trying to arrest Ambaulim activist Pobre Fernandes since yesterday. Pobre is involved in active resistence of Goa's marauding minng industry creating havoc in his village of Ambaulim through transporation of iron Ore.
Wednesday, January 14, 2009
National Mineral Policy spells doom for Labour, Environment and Adivasis
By Shelley Saha-Sinha
India's new mineral policy is long on ways to maximise the benefits of mining for "the economy" but short on measures to alleviate the social and environmental destruction that mining activity inevitably brings in its wake India is rich in mineral resources but most of these minerals are to be found in remote forested areas and the watersheds of major rivers, areas that are largely inhabited by tribal peoples or adivasis.
According to the union ministry of mines, the country ranks first inthe world in the production of mica blocks and splitting, third inchromites, lignite, coal and barytes, fourth in iron ore and sixth inbauxite and manganese ore. This mineral wealth and its exploitation have substantially contributed to the growth of the national economy.The gross value of mineral production in India in 1995 was estimatedto be approximately Rs 270,000 million, up from about Rs1,800 millionin 1961. Mineral resources contributed 2% to the country's GDP andconstituted 20% of its exports in 2001.
Since 1991, when the economy was liberalised, private companies have begun to play an important role in the mining sector. The government thus felt the need for a new mineral policy, and in April 2008, theUnited Progressive Alliance government released the new National Mineral Policy (for non-coal and non-fuel minerals).
Salient features of the National Mineral Policy (NMP) 2008
The document emphasises at the outset the abundance of mineral resources in the country and the need for scientific prospecting, state-of the-art technology and economic utilisation (2.1).
Its focus is on improving the regulatory environment to "make it more conducive to investment and technology flows" (2.2).
The policy makers are also aware that mining has social and environmental impacts, so they suggest "a framework for sustainabledevelopment" and protection of the interests of the "host and indigenous (tribal) population …through comprehensive relief and rehabilitation packages" (2.3).
However this has to be done in orderto ensure the availability and proximity of the minerals to industry(2.4), the economic efficiency of the sector (2.5), new sources ofrevenue for the states (2.6), research and development of exploration techniques, technologies and economic efficiency through optimal use of minerals and training for this purpose (2.7).
Embracing capitalism
In January 2001, the late President KR Narayanan in his address to thenation on the eve of Republic Day referred to the "dilemmas ofdevelopment" and asked the country to consider carefully how it chose to develop its mining industry. "While the nation must benefit fromthe exploitation of these mineral resources, we will have also to take into consideration questions of environmental protection and therights of the tribals," he said.
The National Mining Policy (NMP) 2008 addresses none of theseconcerns. Not only does the policy not address the social andenvironmental consequences of mining, it actually has the potential to aggravate the situation in terms of displacement, deforestation,environmental degradation, and water scarcity.
The emphasis of the NMP 2008 is on extracting minerals for theeconomic development of the country. The development of the people wholive in the areas to be mined has been ignored. International miningcompanies are already jumping at the opportunity of getting at the impressive reserves of minerals. Firms like De Beers of South Africaand the Anglo-Australian mining giant Rio Tinto have acquired huge prospecting rights in Orissa and Madhya Pradesh. The human rights record and environmental practices of these companies have been controversial.
Mineral-rich states such as Orissa, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh havebeen critical of the policy. The chief minister of Orissa went to the extent of alleging that the policy was being influenced by the international mining lobby and that it is against the national interest. He alleged that the policy favours private internationalcompanies and undermines the role of the public sector.
However, these criticisms are restricted to the economic implicationsof the policy. Their main concern is that the state may lose out on royalties. They have not commented on the absence of any measures that would limit the negative social and environmental fallout of mining.In fact the Orissa government has in the past violated and manipulated various environmental and human rights guidelines for issuing mining rights to private companies as is well demonstrated in the case of theVedanta Lanjigarh project and the POSCO projects.
Two other aspects of the NMP that bear questioning are its emphasis onmore mechanised forms of mining, and its reliance on private equityand foreign direct investment.
The policy makes a strong push for more mechanised, less labour-intensive mining, where the industry will largely depend on"skilled" labour with a high level of technical competence. It also proposes to substantially increase the scale of privatisation. Risk investment in survey and prospecting, joint ventures and public-private partnerships are the clear mandates of the policy. Moreover, by making environmental regulations voluntary, in the form of the Sustainable Development Framework (SDF), the NMP proposes to privatise environmental and social regulations in mining. Environmental protection is further compromised by the fact that the policy prescribes no deterrents for non-compliance.
Impact on adivasis and the environment
While the emphasis of the NMP 2008 is on extracting minerals foreconomic development of the country, it pays scant attention to the impact this burgeoning mining activity will have on the environment and the livelihood of local people. Mining always has serious consequences for displacement of people, deforestation, environmental degradation, water scarcity, etc, and these should be seriously addressed in any mining policy. The situation will be further aggravated when the government amends the Mines and Minerals Development and Regulation Act of 1957 to implement the policy directives of the NMP.
The NMP is ambiguous on the subject of rehabilitation and resettlement of the large numbers of adivasis who will be displaced from their lands. Most adivasis are marginal landowners or landless farmers, with no official records to prove their rights over the lands they have been living on and cultivating for centuries. They are thus unlikelyto get any compensation or appropriate rehabilitation if a strictly legalistic approach is adopted.
Mining activity hitherto has neither brought any benefits to local populations nor has it shown any concern for the environment as these facts will show:
* In India, there exists an inverse relationship between mineral production and economic growth. Sixty per cent of the top 50 mineral-producing districts are among the 150 most backward districts of the country even after decades of mining.
* More and more forest land has been diverted for mining, violating the provisions of the Forest Conservation Act of 1980. During 1998-2005, 216 mining projects were granted forest clearance annually, as against 19 per year during 1980-97.
* Mining projects have displaced around 25.5 lakh people during1950-1991, and 52% of the people displaced are adivasis.
* Chhattisgarh, which has a large tribal population, is one of therichest states in India in terms of mineral wealth. The mineral-richdistricts of Bastar, Surguja, Korba and Dantewada are also tribal dominated and heavily forested. New mining projects are coming up in these districts which are among the most backward districts of the state in terms of human and social indicators.
* Mining impacts negatively on the ecosystems of the area. InKorba district of Chhattisgarh, mining activity has affected around78% of the forest area. According to a 2006 study by the Indian Institute of Remote Sensing, 6% of forest land has been completely converted for industrial purposes, 55% changed into barren and wasteland, and around 17% became highly degraded forest.
* West Singhbhum district of Jharkhand has abundant reserves ofiron ore and forests, and 66% of its population is adivasi. Large-scale mining has not brought progress to the peoples here. Almost 50% of the population lives below the poverty line and a significant 19% of households are not food sufficient.
* Forty per cent of the mineral-rich regions are affected byNaxalite insurgency – radicals who use force to overthrow or destabilise existing administrations that they see as corrupt and anti-poor. In Chhattisgarh, the government has pitted the adivasi population against the Naxals under the Salwa Judum, which it calls a peace campaign. This has divided the adivasis who were resisting industrial activity, including mining. This conflict has led to the displacement of about 80,000 people in the state.
Conclusion
As the global economy expands, the pressure on adivasi lands to yield minerals will intensify. Mining is a short-term activity with long-term effects. Though the NMP 2008 talks about scientific mining,it is an unsustainable activity and is based on the extraction ofnon-renewable resources. Millions of people lose their livelihoods because of mining and it has also become the main cause of social unrest, wide spread human rights violation, health hazards for people and environmental degradation.
While it is true that the country needs minerals for infrastructure development, it is equally true that over-consumption by one section of society is destroying the livelihoods and environments of another section, which is at the receiving end of mining. Decades of mining have not contributed much to the economic betterment of local populations and this is particularly true of marginalised groups such as the adivasis. Poor development and marginalisation create conditions for social tensions. Mining is an activity that needs to bestrictly controlled at all stages. Above all, people living in mining areas should have the capacity to take fully-informed decisions on allowing mining in their territories or decide on how to carry out the activity and ensure environmental conservation and social justice. The new NMP needs to examine these issues with a sense of urgency. The policy itself needs to be brought to centrestage and widely discussed.
InfoChange News & Features, January 2009
India's new mineral policy is long on ways to maximise the benefits of mining for "the economy" but short on measures to alleviate the social and environmental destruction that mining activity inevitably brings in its wake India is rich in mineral resources but most of these minerals are to be found in remote forested areas and the watersheds of major rivers, areas that are largely inhabited by tribal peoples or adivasis.
According to the union ministry of mines, the country ranks first inthe world in the production of mica blocks and splitting, third inchromites, lignite, coal and barytes, fourth in iron ore and sixth inbauxite and manganese ore. This mineral wealth and its exploitation have substantially contributed to the growth of the national economy.The gross value of mineral production in India in 1995 was estimatedto be approximately Rs 270,000 million, up from about Rs1,800 millionin 1961. Mineral resources contributed 2% to the country's GDP andconstituted 20% of its exports in 2001.
Since 1991, when the economy was liberalised, private companies have begun to play an important role in the mining sector. The government thus felt the need for a new mineral policy, and in April 2008, theUnited Progressive Alliance government released the new National Mineral Policy (for non-coal and non-fuel minerals).
Salient features of the National Mineral Policy (NMP) 2008
The document emphasises at the outset the abundance of mineral resources in the country and the need for scientific prospecting, state-of the-art technology and economic utilisation (2.1).
Its focus is on improving the regulatory environment to "make it more conducive to investment and technology flows" (2.2).
The policy makers are also aware that mining has social and environmental impacts, so they suggest "a framework for sustainabledevelopment" and protection of the interests of the "host and indigenous (tribal) population …through comprehensive relief and rehabilitation packages" (2.3).
However this has to be done in orderto ensure the availability and proximity of the minerals to industry(2.4), the economic efficiency of the sector (2.5), new sources ofrevenue for the states (2.6), research and development of exploration techniques, technologies and economic efficiency through optimal use of minerals and training for this purpose (2.7).
Embracing capitalism
In January 2001, the late President KR Narayanan in his address to thenation on the eve of Republic Day referred to the "dilemmas ofdevelopment" and asked the country to consider carefully how it chose to develop its mining industry. "While the nation must benefit fromthe exploitation of these mineral resources, we will have also to take into consideration questions of environmental protection and therights of the tribals," he said.
The National Mining Policy (NMP) 2008 addresses none of theseconcerns. Not only does the policy not address the social andenvironmental consequences of mining, it actually has the potential to aggravate the situation in terms of displacement, deforestation,environmental degradation, and water scarcity.
The emphasis of the NMP 2008 is on extracting minerals for theeconomic development of the country. The development of the people wholive in the areas to be mined has been ignored. International miningcompanies are already jumping at the opportunity of getting at the impressive reserves of minerals. Firms like De Beers of South Africaand the Anglo-Australian mining giant Rio Tinto have acquired huge prospecting rights in Orissa and Madhya Pradesh. The human rights record and environmental practices of these companies have been controversial.
Mineral-rich states such as Orissa, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh havebeen critical of the policy. The chief minister of Orissa went to the extent of alleging that the policy was being influenced by the international mining lobby and that it is against the national interest. He alleged that the policy favours private internationalcompanies and undermines the role of the public sector.
However, these criticisms are restricted to the economic implicationsof the policy. Their main concern is that the state may lose out on royalties. They have not commented on the absence of any measures that would limit the negative social and environmental fallout of mining.In fact the Orissa government has in the past violated and manipulated various environmental and human rights guidelines for issuing mining rights to private companies as is well demonstrated in the case of theVedanta Lanjigarh project and the POSCO projects.
Two other aspects of the NMP that bear questioning are its emphasis onmore mechanised forms of mining, and its reliance on private equityand foreign direct investment.
The policy makes a strong push for more mechanised, less labour-intensive mining, where the industry will largely depend on"skilled" labour with a high level of technical competence. It also proposes to substantially increase the scale of privatisation. Risk investment in survey and prospecting, joint ventures and public-private partnerships are the clear mandates of the policy. Moreover, by making environmental regulations voluntary, in the form of the Sustainable Development Framework (SDF), the NMP proposes to privatise environmental and social regulations in mining. Environmental protection is further compromised by the fact that the policy prescribes no deterrents for non-compliance.
Impact on adivasis and the environment
While the emphasis of the NMP 2008 is on extracting minerals foreconomic development of the country, it pays scant attention to the impact this burgeoning mining activity will have on the environment and the livelihood of local people. Mining always has serious consequences for displacement of people, deforestation, environmental degradation, water scarcity, etc, and these should be seriously addressed in any mining policy. The situation will be further aggravated when the government amends the Mines and Minerals Development and Regulation Act of 1957 to implement the policy directives of the NMP.
The NMP is ambiguous on the subject of rehabilitation and resettlement of the large numbers of adivasis who will be displaced from their lands. Most adivasis are marginal landowners or landless farmers, with no official records to prove their rights over the lands they have been living on and cultivating for centuries. They are thus unlikelyto get any compensation or appropriate rehabilitation if a strictly legalistic approach is adopted.
Mining activity hitherto has neither brought any benefits to local populations nor has it shown any concern for the environment as these facts will show:
* In India, there exists an inverse relationship between mineral production and economic growth. Sixty per cent of the top 50 mineral-producing districts are among the 150 most backward districts of the country even after decades of mining.
* More and more forest land has been diverted for mining, violating the provisions of the Forest Conservation Act of 1980. During 1998-2005, 216 mining projects were granted forest clearance annually, as against 19 per year during 1980-97.
* Mining projects have displaced around 25.5 lakh people during1950-1991, and 52% of the people displaced are adivasis.
* Chhattisgarh, which has a large tribal population, is one of therichest states in India in terms of mineral wealth. The mineral-richdistricts of Bastar, Surguja, Korba and Dantewada are also tribal dominated and heavily forested. New mining projects are coming up in these districts which are among the most backward districts of the state in terms of human and social indicators.
* Mining impacts negatively on the ecosystems of the area. InKorba district of Chhattisgarh, mining activity has affected around78% of the forest area. According to a 2006 study by the Indian Institute of Remote Sensing, 6% of forest land has been completely converted for industrial purposes, 55% changed into barren and wasteland, and around 17% became highly degraded forest.
* West Singhbhum district of Jharkhand has abundant reserves ofiron ore and forests, and 66% of its population is adivasi. Large-scale mining has not brought progress to the peoples here. Almost 50% of the population lives below the poverty line and a significant 19% of households are not food sufficient.
* Forty per cent of the mineral-rich regions are affected byNaxalite insurgency – radicals who use force to overthrow or destabilise existing administrations that they see as corrupt and anti-poor. In Chhattisgarh, the government has pitted the adivasi population against the Naxals under the Salwa Judum, which it calls a peace campaign. This has divided the adivasis who were resisting industrial activity, including mining. This conflict has led to the displacement of about 80,000 people in the state.
Conclusion
As the global economy expands, the pressure on adivasi lands to yield minerals will intensify. Mining is a short-term activity with long-term effects. Though the NMP 2008 talks about scientific mining,it is an unsustainable activity and is based on the extraction ofnon-renewable resources. Millions of people lose their livelihoods because of mining and it has also become the main cause of social unrest, wide spread human rights violation, health hazards for people and environmental degradation.
While it is true that the country needs minerals for infrastructure development, it is equally true that over-consumption by one section of society is destroying the livelihoods and environments of another section, which is at the receiving end of mining. Decades of mining have not contributed much to the economic betterment of local populations and this is particularly true of marginalised groups such as the adivasis. Poor development and marginalisation create conditions for social tensions. Mining is an activity that needs to bestrictly controlled at all stages. Above all, people living in mining areas should have the capacity to take fully-informed decisions on allowing mining in their territories or decide on how to carry out the activity and ensure environmental conservation and social justice. The new NMP needs to examine these issues with a sense of urgency. The policy itself needs to be brought to centrestage and widely discussed.
InfoChange News & Features, January 2009
Prerna Singh Bindra on Mining in Goa
Hi! following is a communication from Prerna Bindra...
Cheers,
Hartman
After this note below appeared in The Herald, I heard from Timblo - very often, and with repeated demands to meet them - I had left Goa by then, but sadly, my story is yet to happen. I would like to go down to Goa again and do an extensive report on what mining is doing to Goa, for the little I saw and witnessed disturbed me. Mining is ruining Goa, its wildlife, forests, water tables, productivity of the soil, health, and by impacting the livlihood of the people, is changing the very fabric of the life of the people - people who are displaced from their villages for their fields are ruined by mining wastes. I met with people whose houses were cracked due to mining blasts, who now depend on tankers for their water, who are now suffering from respiratory diseases, and who can now only grow crops once a year (some who can't even do that) due to Mining. It will impact on tourism on which much of the Goan economy is dependent and it will ruin the face of Goa as we know it.
Timblo? The less said the better. People who profess to love Goa, and then set about ruining is, are deplorable. I have been first hand witness to their strong arm tactics shown to anyone who dares shake their empire. The underhand tactics are well-known, and need to be exposed...
Prerna Bindra
I note with some shock the blatant misrepresentation of facts, in certain sections of the media that myself, Prerna Singh Bindra, a journalist from
Tehelka, was 'trespassing' on Fomento property, and other baseless allegations which I would like to deny, and counter.
I deny the ridiculous charge of 'tresspassing'. There was no board which announced that the said property was 'private property' or 'tresspassers not allowed', there was no security personnel, so we-i was accompanied by Mr Rajendra Kerkar and my driver- entered what I was later informed, was Fomento premises. I must have gone in about 50 metres of what appeared to be-and later confirmed-to be a mining dump, I took about three pictures, when a security guard came towards us, and told us to "get out." He demanded my camera-which i refused to give. I asked him if this was private premises, and when he replied it was, I readily offered to leave, but refused to part with my camera. By which time, three other security gaurds had joined us-and demanded my camera. Their language was rough, and abusive-and best not repeated.
I not allowed to leave, our exit was physically blocked.
So we waited, as their might increased. In another 30 minutes there was security personnel, plus their myriad managers-mine manager, assistent manager, deputy managers-about 25-to 30 of them, and they got abusive, using language best not repeated in polite company.
They tried to snatch the car keys, even though we were standing quietly, making no attempts to leave. I requested them not to snatch the keys, but they persisted. And at this point , I decided to call the police-there is no irony in this, as the 'honourable' chairman of the company points out.
We were three of us, they owerpowered us in numbers, and were abusive, hence I felt the need to call the police which i did. There is sir, no 'illegal trespassing, but illegal detainment.
So who, pray is the 'terrorist' here?
As for Auduth Timblo's tall claims that their company is 'open to public scrutiny and will share any information'-I have requested just one simple bit of information from their manager, their media consultant, and their director Mr Louis-but am yet to hear from them. An example, perhaps, of how 'transparent' they are. My request to meet their director was also not been met with, and is merely being pushed around for the past three days.
Additionally, if the matter was 'of national security concern', perhaps they should have a board which atleast indicating that this is private property, or have manned, if not closed, gates?
Yes, their manager demanded my Tehelka identity, and i politely told him that since I had recently joined, I did not have Tehelka Pres card, but offered that he talk to the Tehelka editor, Tarun Tejpal, at that very moment. the managers refused. As they did any other identity proof. They were beyond reasoning. The same identity proof was given to the police, as requested by them.
It is high time that mining companies give up their bullying tactics. Mining, especially strip or open-cast mining, of the kind that prevails in Goa, has devastating impacts on environment, ecology,health, water tables, agricultural yields-this is backed by scientific studies, and this is the story that I am here to do, and refuse to be cowed down. I have made attempts to talk reasonably to Fomento, but draw the line at blatant defamation.
I have ten years of solid investigative journalism, covering environment and wildlife issues, behind me, and strongly object to ridiculous, and untrue, statements of 'journalism in the barb of active terrorism, "vested interests." and such like.
Tehelka, with its impeccable record of path breaking journalism, doesn't really need to justify its reputation.
Sincerely,
Prerna Singh Bindra
Senior Astt Editor,
Tehelka
Cheers,
Hartman
After this note below appeared in The Herald, I heard from Timblo - very often, and with repeated demands to meet them - I had left Goa by then, but sadly, my story is yet to happen. I would like to go down to Goa again and do an extensive report on what mining is doing to Goa, for the little I saw and witnessed disturbed me. Mining is ruining Goa, its wildlife, forests, water tables, productivity of the soil, health, and by impacting the livlihood of the people, is changing the very fabric of the life of the people - people who are displaced from their villages for their fields are ruined by mining wastes. I met with people whose houses were cracked due to mining blasts, who now depend on tankers for their water, who are now suffering from respiratory diseases, and who can now only grow crops once a year (some who can't even do that) due to Mining. It will impact on tourism on which much of the Goan economy is dependent and it will ruin the face of Goa as we know it.
Timblo? The less said the better. People who profess to love Goa, and then set about ruining is, are deplorable. I have been first hand witness to their strong arm tactics shown to anyone who dares shake their empire. The underhand tactics are well-known, and need to be exposed...
Prerna Bindra
I note with some shock the blatant misrepresentation of facts, in certain sections of the media that myself, Prerna Singh Bindra, a journalist from
Tehelka, was 'trespassing' on Fomento property, and other baseless allegations which I would like to deny, and counter.
I deny the ridiculous charge of 'tresspassing'. There was no board which announced that the said property was 'private property' or 'tresspassers not allowed', there was no security personnel, so we-i was accompanied by Mr Rajendra Kerkar and my driver- entered what I was later informed, was Fomento premises. I must have gone in about 50 metres of what appeared to be-and later confirmed-to be a mining dump, I took about three pictures, when a security guard came towards us, and told us to "get out." He demanded my camera-which i refused to give. I asked him if this was private premises, and when he replied it was, I readily offered to leave, but refused to part with my camera. By which time, three other security gaurds had joined us-and demanded my camera. Their language was rough, and abusive-and best not repeated.
I not allowed to leave, our exit was physically blocked.
So we waited, as their might increased. In another 30 minutes there was security personnel, plus their myriad managers-mine manager, assistent manager, deputy managers-about 25-to 30 of them, and they got abusive, using language best not repeated in polite company.
They tried to snatch the car keys, even though we were standing quietly, making no attempts to leave. I requested them not to snatch the keys, but they persisted. And at this point , I decided to call the police-there is no irony in this, as the 'honourable' chairman of the company points out.
We were three of us, they owerpowered us in numbers, and were abusive, hence I felt the need to call the police which i did. There is sir, no 'illegal trespassing, but illegal detainment.
So who, pray is the 'terrorist' here?
As for Auduth Timblo's tall claims that their company is 'open to public scrutiny and will share any information'-I have requested just one simple bit of information from their manager, their media consultant, and their director Mr Louis-but am yet to hear from them. An example, perhaps, of how 'transparent' they are. My request to meet their director was also not been met with, and is merely being pushed around for the past three days.
Additionally, if the matter was 'of national security concern', perhaps they should have a board which atleast indicating that this is private property, or have manned, if not closed, gates?
Yes, their manager demanded my Tehelka identity, and i politely told him that since I had recently joined, I did not have Tehelka Pres card, but offered that he talk to the Tehelka editor, Tarun Tejpal, at that very moment. the managers refused. As they did any other identity proof. They were beyond reasoning. The same identity proof was given to the police, as requested by them.
It is high time that mining companies give up their bullying tactics. Mining, especially strip or open-cast mining, of the kind that prevails in Goa, has devastating impacts on environment, ecology,health, water tables, agricultural yields-this is backed by scientific studies, and this is the story that I am here to do, and refuse to be cowed down. I have made attempts to talk reasonably to Fomento, but draw the line at blatant defamation.
I have ten years of solid investigative journalism, covering environment and wildlife issues, behind me, and strongly object to ridiculous, and untrue, statements of 'journalism in the barb of active terrorism, "vested interests." and such like.
Tehelka, with its impeccable record of path breaking journalism, doesn't really need to justify its reputation.
Sincerely,
Prerna Singh Bindra
Senior Astt Editor,
Tehelka
Tuesday, January 13, 2009
Sign online! Be part of great Rs. 500 crore defamation suit!
To
The Chief Minister,
Government of Goa
Wanton open-cast mining in Goa has devastated the countryside, destroyed forests and severely damaged valuable water resources. Entire villages have seen their crops destroyed by mine slurry and their land reduced to desert. Seby Rodrigues is an activist who has been in the forefront of the fight against irresponsible mining that pays no heed to the devastating consequences it unleashes on the environment and people. Because he spoke up against Formentos, a mining company owned by the Timblo family from Goa, they have chosen to try and silence him. They have sued him for 500 crore rupees (about 125,000 US dollars) for 'defamation' for what he has said on his blog. This suit has been brought by Sujay Gupta, Vice President (Communications), Timblos. The suit has been filed in Calcutta so that Seby will face further harassment and will have to travel up and down. We are appalled at this attempt to bully and silence a legitimate voice.
We stand with Seby against destructive mining and against all attempts to muffle legitimate voices in a democracy.
We stand with Seby in decrying the destruction of Goa's environment by mining companies like the Timblos, and urge minions like Sujay Gupta to sue us too...
Sincerely,
The Undersigned
http://www.PetitionOnline.com/sue4000/petition.html
Please open the link above and lend us your voice,
Thanks,
Hartman de Souza
Monday, January 12, 2009
Magisterial inquiry demanded in Ambaulim Lathi Charge
THE VILLAGERS OF COPELABHAT
c/o. William Fernandes, Near New Church Copelabhat, Deao, Quepem-Goa.
Date:11/01/2009.
To,
The Hon’ble MLA,
Quepem Constituency,
Quepem-Goa.
Sub: Memorandum/Demands.
Sir,
That on 17/1/2009 we the villagers of Copelabhat came on the road as all the concerned authorities failed and neglected to take cognizance on the problem faced by us which we have brought to their notice wide different petitions. That before coming on the we have given prior intimation to the concerned authorities. On that the Deputy Collector of Quepem Shri Venancio Furtado order lathy Charge on the democratically agitating villagers, when there was no need to do so and that to when the agitators withdraw their agitation. The police team headed by P.I. Santosh Dessai mercilessly assaulted/manhandled the agitating villagers including aged women and school children. The agitators were treated in a barbaric form worse than that of animals and later registered false, baseless and concocted cases against us that to by fabricating evidence. If necessary for your convenience we can even produce the photos and video clipping in respect of the above incident.
Pertaining to the above mentioned incident we the villagers of Copelabhat hereby present before you the below mentioned MEMORANDUM and DEMAND which are as under:
1. An detail and impartial Magisterial inquiry should be ordered into the entire incident . After inquiry any officer is found guilty of negligent and exceeding his/her power a stringent action should be initiated against them.
2. The false and fabricated cases registered against the agitating villagers by the Quepem Police which are registered under Cr.86/08 and 87/08 should be immediately withdrawn.
3. That P.I. Santosh Dessai, ASI Prakash K. Gaonkar , ASI Arvind V. Nagekar should be immediately transferred from Quepem Police station for not properly handling the situation, for manhandling the agitators, for manipulating records and for filing false and distorted complaint against the villagers.
4. The Dy-Collector of Quepem Shri Venancio Furtado should be immediately suspended being incompetent, inefficient and being a danger to the fabric of our democracy and pending suspension he should be transferred from Quepem.
5. That by 30th January, 2009 the widening and hot mixing work of the road and the issuance of notification regarding prohibition of entry for mining truck and speed limit as per our High court order, should be completed, pending which the road should be close for mining truck. As the widening work of the road is in progress we villagers are facing lot of dust pollution caused by the mining truck which pose imminent danger to our health.
6. The overloading of mining which is presently going on and posing danger to life , should be immediately stopped. The loading of mining truck should be strictly as per the notification dated 15/12/07 issued by the director of Transport as per our High Court order laid down in writ petition No.418/1981 and order dated 19/10/2006 issued by the Dy-Collector of Quepem. The Copy of the High court order, notification of Director of Transport and order of Dy-Collector are hereto annexed.
Hope your goodself will look at our memorandum/demand seriously and will do the needful at an early date.
Yours Truly
( For villagers of Copelabhat )
Enclosed as above.
c/o. William Fernandes, Near New Church Copelabhat, Deao, Quepem-Goa.
Date:11/01/2009.
To,
The Hon’ble MLA,
Quepem Constituency,
Quepem-Goa.
Sub: Memorandum/Demands.
Sir,
That on 17/1/2009 we the villagers of Copelabhat came on the road as all the concerned authorities failed and neglected to take cognizance on the problem faced by us which we have brought to their notice wide different petitions. That before coming on the we have given prior intimation to the concerned authorities. On that the Deputy Collector of Quepem Shri Venancio Furtado order lathy Charge on the democratically agitating villagers, when there was no need to do so and that to when the agitators withdraw their agitation. The police team headed by P.I. Santosh Dessai mercilessly assaulted/manhandled the agitating villagers including aged women and school children. The agitators were treated in a barbaric form worse than that of animals and later registered false, baseless and concocted cases against us that to by fabricating evidence. If necessary for your convenience we can even produce the photos and video clipping in respect of the above incident.
Pertaining to the above mentioned incident we the villagers of Copelabhat hereby present before you the below mentioned MEMORANDUM and DEMAND which are as under:
1. An detail and impartial Magisterial inquiry should be ordered into the entire incident . After inquiry any officer is found guilty of negligent and exceeding his/her power a stringent action should be initiated against them.
2. The false and fabricated cases registered against the agitating villagers by the Quepem Police which are registered under Cr.86/08 and 87/08 should be immediately withdrawn.
3. That P.I. Santosh Dessai, ASI Prakash K. Gaonkar , ASI Arvind V. Nagekar should be immediately transferred from Quepem Police station for not properly handling the situation, for manhandling the agitators, for manipulating records and for filing false and distorted complaint against the villagers.
4. The Dy-Collector of Quepem Shri Venancio Furtado should be immediately suspended being incompetent, inefficient and being a danger to the fabric of our democracy and pending suspension he should be transferred from Quepem.
5. That by 30th January, 2009 the widening and hot mixing work of the road and the issuance of notification regarding prohibition of entry for mining truck and speed limit as per our High court order, should be completed, pending which the road should be close for mining truck. As the widening work of the road is in progress we villagers are facing lot of dust pollution caused by the mining truck which pose imminent danger to our health.
6. The overloading of mining which is presently going on and posing danger to life , should be immediately stopped. The loading of mining truck should be strictly as per the notification dated 15/12/07 issued by the director of Transport as per our High Court order laid down in writ petition No.418/1981 and order dated 19/10/2006 issued by the Dy-Collector of Quepem. The Copy of the High court order, notification of Director of Transport and order of Dy-Collector are hereto annexed.
Hope your goodself will look at our memorandum/demand seriously and will do the needful at an early date.
Yours Truly
( For villagers of Copelabhat )
Enclosed as above.
Sunday, January 11, 2009
TADI PAR AS DEVELOPMENT METAPHOR: EXPERIENCES FROM GOA
Sebastian Rodrigues[1]
Introduction
Movement of Indigenous People in Goa has reached critical stage. They have been waging relentless battle against unsustaining mining industry. Large scale extraction of iron ore has left Goa’s geography with dangerous repercussions to its water sources, agriculture, air, forest, rivers and life forms in general.
For the past couple of years Indigenous people are in the forefront of the movement to restore sustainability of their village economy and culture. This is the situation in other parts of India as well wherein Indigenous People as well other have waged glorious struggles in defence of the self sustaining economies and cultures.
Sometimes in the first week if November 2008 one of the family members of the protesting villagers of Colamb, Sanguem, Goa was called at the Quepem police station and warned by Police inspector on duty that if ‘trouble maker’ family member does not give up the protesting against mining company in his village then he will be sent tadi par. Tadi par has a text of its own. It has context of its own. It is sort to be explored as concept by itself in development context. It is an attempt in this paper to use it as metaphor of development as it is potent with large number of theoretical as well as practical possibilities.
The paper proposes initiatives toward generating metal sensitivity as one of necessary requirements of transformative agenda for sustainable futures.
I. Tadi Par As Text
Tadi par is a text. It is a form of punishment administrable to the criminals who cannot be convinced to change their behavior in by other forms of punishments by the State authorities. Tadi par is invoked rarely on the hardcore ‘criminals’ in the eyes of the state. As punishment it involves imposition of ban on the individual to reside in his or her locality. There is geographic cutoff with familiar location. It is a sort of exile. Tadi par is a Marathi word that means across the boundary. Boundary may be the village boundary, Tehsil boundary, or even district boundary. Juridical authorities of the state decide the nature of boundary. The origin of this word seems to be in the ancient form of punishments reserved to the non-conformist of their societies that invoked principle of ostracism was the most feared punishment as it deprives the individual with familiar surroundings, familiar people and most importantly familiar geography. Tadi par is a step ahead of principle of ostracism. It is not just social boycott of individual by the community but it is state enforced mechanism to sent person in exile even against the wishes of the community. Tadi means ‘boundary’ par means ‘across’. Tadi par means ‘across the boundary’.
II. Tadi Par In Context Of Goa
The invocation of threat of Tadi par comes at a time when Goa is battling relentlessly the imposed development pattern that is almost equivalent of highest class conquest of the State of Goa. Since its liberation from Portuguese colonial regime in 1961 Goa has been battling development model in place. It fought sometimes successfully sometimes not so successfully, but fight was always there. Lessons to learn were always there after every struggle.
One of the first struggles soon after Goa’s liberation was the heroic battle against Ciba Company from Switzerland fighting take over of 200 acres of tribal land in late 1960s at Dulapi and Mangado villages in Tiswadi Takula. This industry was set up by application of Police repression on the protestors. The agitation has resurfaced against the same plant in 2008 when the company after series of mergers has been re-named as Syngenta.
In the decade of 1970s Goa fought Indian corporate house of Birlas over the release of chemical effluents openly into Arabian Sea from industrial plant in Marmagoa taluka thereby causing large scale fish mortality. In the decade of 1980s Goa witnessed large scale upsurge of fishermen along the coast of Arabian Sea against mechanization of fisheries sector and introduction of trawlers in the Arabian Sea. This plant was force to shut down for more than one month and forced to install necessary precautionary safeguards.
Decade of 1990 witnessed large opposition to Tourism project across the State of Goa. Several projects that was sought to be bulldozed on people of Goa was fought. Some of these projects include Asian School of Management at Mandrem, Pernem that was luxury tourism project in the garb of education institution, golf courses in Arambol, Mandrem and Morjim in coastal Pernem taluka, Bambolim in Tiswadi taluka, Amthane in Bicholim taluka and Canaguinim at the coast of Quepem taluka. Japanese Holiday Township was battled in Arambol village in Pernem taluka. Japanese were to take over Arambol village as a part of its silver plan to relocate their elderly people to Goa by creating Japan like atmosphere in Goa. Due to protests all these projects were shelved.
Another luxury hotel project in Agonda beach in Canacona taluka was also battled by Toddy tapers there earlier in the decade of 1980s. The litigation is still ongoing and project till 2008 did not take off.
There was also resistance movements against expansion projects of Tatas owned Taj holiday village at Sinquerim, Bardez taluka in early 1980s when Common Wealth Heads of State CHOGM retreat was held in Goa at Taj five star hotel. Expansion stalled due to protests especially by Student Organization – Progressive Students Union (PSU).
Similarly there was resistance against expansion of Leela beach resort, another five star hotel in southern Salcete taluka by toddy tapers and other neighbors. Toddy tapper Michael Cardoza got his rights to tap coconut trees in mid 1990s.
Owner of the same hotel Capt. Nair entered one neighboring house of Goan widow, threatened her with his gun and dumped large number of cement bags in her house and forced to compromise by giving away her house for five star hotel expansion in the decade of 1990s.
In the decade of 1980s Progressive Student Union (PSU) was active in the struggles related to tourism. PSU carried with it ideas of the left with tools of class analysis to understand and act out their plans. Section of these students later on played important role to form tourism campaign group called Jagrut Goenkaranchi Fauz (JGF) in late 1980s. In English it can be translated as Vigilant Goans Army. JGF remained at the peak of its life in the decade of 1990s.
New economic policy unveiled by the Indian government in 1991 had direct bearing on the projects proposed for Goa. It has been agreement of the local elites in Goa as well global elites to develop Goa as pleasure commerce destination for the global rich. As a part of this agenda, golf course, exclusive foreign nationality townships such as Japanese township, Gambling spaces such as Casinos were proposed for Goa in the decade of 1990s. Goa was to get re-designed as tourism destination for the Super rich of the World. Casinos started operating in 2008.
American Chemical plant Du Pont was thrown out of Goa in 1990s after prolonged struggle from Keri, Ponda. Goa had its first martyr in the form of Nilesh Naik who was shot dead in Police firing. The same Keri plateau is inspiration to the movement against Special Economic Zones (SEZs) in Goa in 2008. All the SEZs plans for Goa has been stalled due to protests.
Development that unfolded in the first decade after the turn of the century demonstrated that the developers and demonstrators has again repackaged the same development model and are seeking to implement the same. Only difference between 1990s and 2000s is that in 2000s the developers are doing it in much more organized and sophisticated manner. The modus operandi adopted by the developers is formulation of Regional Plan 2011 that sort to convert the entire state of Goa for the housing, pleasure and entertainment of the super rich of India and the World.
Local elites were given free hand to further exploit the mineral wealth of the State of Goa. This exploitation continues amidst pitched battles against indigenous communities as well as other communities in Goa.
The major agitation in 2005-06 forced the State of Goa to withdraw the Regional Plan 2011 and put in place mechanisms to formulate Regional Plan 2021 with multi layered consultative process with some degree of transparency in place. However the draft plans re-introduces the ghosts of the Regional Plan 2011 with Airport to the Northern border of the State touching Maharastra – mainly to promote tourism, commerce and commodification of beaches of Southern Maharastra in much more aggressive manner, highway bifurcations from Darbandora upto Thivim – to transport future extracted mineral wealth of village in the middle of resistance: Advalpal, Sports city in Tiwadi taluka – with stadium and township with 8,500 flats over the agricultural lands, Hazardous waste treatment plant in Darbandora in Sattari taluka – to facilitate dangerous chemical industries in Goa, Large scale conversion of green areas into settlement zones – basically to promote housing for the rich that is threatening a major demographic destabilization that will outnumber local people of Goa.
The plan is a well orchestrate exercise to subvert spaces of freedom currently available and in its place institute rule of Capital to enslave everyone in Goa[2].
In fact large numbers of villagers are up in arms in the first decade of 21st century itself. Several villages are united to oppose the commercial housing projects in Goa popularly known as ‘Mega Projects’. Network of local resisting communities has evolved in 2008 known as Ganv Ghor Rakhon Manch (GGRM). In English it can be roughly translated as Village-house Defence Forum. Number of Mega Projects have been put on hold in 2008 due to this agitation.
Regional Plan 2021 also proposes couple of golf courses one in Canaguinim, Quepem and another at Arambol, Pernem: both these proposals are old ones and was fought successfully in the decade of 1990s through prolonged agitations.
The first decade of the 21st century also brought the issue of unscrupulous mining industry on the public agenda. Mining companies lost control over couple of newspapers and that allowed media reportage of the some aspects of the problems created by mining industry. People in the Goa’s mining belt began to get increasingly assertive and articulate on the ecological degradation in Goa’s hinterlands. Agricultural losses meant also the losses of livelihood. Tribal livelihoods were directly threatened with drying up of every spring, other people’s livelihood options diminished with drying up of traditional water well. Goa’s ecological genocide – ecocide - is on.
There are several beneficiaries from Goa’s ecocide. One of the biggest beneficiaries – historically - has been Japanese corporate sector that began importing Goa’s iron ore from 1948 onwards. Rise of Japan from crushed post World War II economy due to US nuclear bombings is in inversely related to Goa’s under development. Export to Japan that began while Goa was still Portuguese colony remained in the same format – dig and sell – for the past 60 years. Only change that has taken place is mechanized nature of mining sector over the past one and half decade.
In the decade of 1980s and 1990s Goa constituted 50% of India’s iron ore export and mostly going to Japan. There were other countries of destination too such as South Korea, Germany and United States of America (USA). Japanese corporate sector is major beneficiary for nearly 50 years till the time Chinese market opened up for iron ore exports. Japan utilized Iron ore for various reasons. Various gadgets including automobiles were mass manufactured and exported all over the world. Burgeoning middle class in different parts of the world including India consumed Japanese goods. For the rolled out cars from Japanese factories appetite for consumption was generated through advertisements. To accommodate cars and other vehicles new roads are being building, existing roads are in the process of widening through State patronage, sprawling parking locations are continuously built through Private as well as public authorities. More and more land is getting tarred in this process.
By the turn of the century China began importing Goa’s iron ore. Chinese demand created predatory race for mining in Goa’s hinterland. This is still on in 2008 though there are reports that Chinese demand is stopped amidst global recession. This however has not changed ground situation as far as predatory nature of open cast iron ore mining in Goa. Mining industry - that consisted of number of local elites as well as British Vedanta that has bought off mining company Sesa Goa from Japanese Mitsui – continues to pursue its goal of resounding death blow to nature and people, to water and rivers, to fish and forest, to Adivasis and Sustainable agricultural communities. These two sections of the companies are other beneficiaries in the process of extraction and resultant capital accumulation.
Global steel industry is another major beneficiary of Indian iron ore exports. It is in fact one of the major consumers of iron ore as it is used as major input for steel manufacture. And steel is consumed in major way by global middle class that constituted 1,728 million consumers in 2002 according to the statistics in slides from World Watch Institutes’ Gary Gardner in 2006[3]. World has been taken over by this consumer class infested with a disease called consumerism. In India and China too there are its victims, Indian middle class numbered 122 million consumers constituting 12% of the National Population. Chinese middle class is numbering around 240 million consumers constituting 19% of its population. Japan is ranking fourth globally with 121 million consumers constituting 95% of the Japan’s population. USA ranks top with 243 million consumers constituting 84% of its national population. Germany has 76 million consumers that constitute 92% of its population. Brazil has population 33% of its population as consumers constituting 58 million in numbers.
Rise of consumerism and consumer class is not merely economic phenomenon but essentially political project. Olli Tammileheto has interesting historical insight to narrate in his essay titled “History and politics of overconsumption”:
…by creating mass demand of luxury items it diverted people’s energies from risky political and collective activities to harmless individual aspirations.
During 20th century motor car was the most important of these political consuming objects. In Europe mass motorization was started by Nazis. Once in power they suppressed all genuine collective action of industrial workers. But existing workers’ quarters in Berlin and other big cities were big worry for them: the informal communities inside them could regenerate the movement. It was impossible to detonate them all and workers could not be gassed. Yet the Nazis invented an Endlösung for this problem: it was a new political technology called people’s car or Volks Wagen.
Hitler met the French car industrialist Renault in 1935. He explained why Nazis backed the People’s car so strongly. After the rearmament boom, workers were going to create troubles again. But Volkswagen will make the organizing more difficult. The ‘Cheapened vehicle’ was supposed to ‘diffuse the industrial labour force by transferring them from the factory location to the country.’ In 1938, Hitler laid the foundation stone for the Volkswagen factory near Braunschweig[4].
It would indeed be great folly in analysis if one considers rise of global consumer class as merely economic phenomena. It is accompanied by the political project of domination and control of dissent. This one reason perhaps middle class is always moving away from struggle and in fact becoming such a reliable ally of the forces of domination.
This is a broad context to Tadi par as reflected in development discourse in Goa.
III. Tadi Par As Concept
Tadi par as a development discourse represents boundaries. It denotes boundaries of tolerance. It denotes boundaries of dead end both for the production process involved in predatory mining industry in Goa as well boundaries of tolerance towards creations of societies and cultures of unsustainability. Application of this terminology is also very significant step in the life of ongoing struggles in Goa particularly related to mining industry. Applicability of this term has dialectical connotations. It demonstrates on the one end the intensity of the struggle that has paralyzed one particular mining site for 11 months. Mining industry in its exploitative project for the past 60 years has largely remained unchallenged and unquestioned. On the other end the ‘Tadi par’ demonstrates that struggle has led the political system protecting powerful mining industry towards the brink of desperation. It has lost patience with constant protests and continues pressures on the industry. Tadi par as concept carries within itself positive attributes of milestones of a struggle that has reached at the present stage threatening the State institutions. Invocation of Tadi par is actually a junction, a cross road where in multiple ideas of development come to coalesces in confrontationist mode in Goa.
Tadi par as a concept thoroughly provokes radical re-examination of development route. It provokes one to introspect whether is it worth to dig out all the soil leave the place in dangerous scars with non-sustaining culture? It is also a radical point of departure in a way communities understood Power and State. Local peasant[5] for example wondered as to why the mamlatdar[6] who hitherto always promoted agriculture is now ordering the arrest of the villagers demanding closure of mines threatening their agriculture and livelihood. The invocation reflects ambitious aggression of State on People; in fact people are being looked upon as burden that has to be sent across the boundary - Tadi par. It also meant corporate power over communities imposed through State coercive structures.
IV. Tadi Par As Metaphor Of Development
Nothing explains the tremendous sense of urgency to tackle mining as the trade is gradually pushing the State of Goa towards Tadi par than the following pamphlet[7]:
Stop Mining Terrorism In Goa!
Perhaps you are aware, perhaps you are not aware that mining posses formidable threat to the Goas’ survival. Yet it is true; mining has been terrorising Goa over the past five decades. People of Goa have tolerated this all this while but they can no longer do so. Hence we share this message with you so that you can take it far and wide as a friend and well wisher of Goa and its People.
Due to rampant exports of iron ore to many countries in the World including China and Japan due to demand for steel, our villages in hinterlands – in the talukas of Bicholim, Sattari, Sanguem and Quepem – are facing terror attacks of the mining industry that is largely supported by the government in Power. The Goas’ monstrous mining industry that took birth in the womb of Portuguese Colonialism has only flourished after Goa’s liberation and integration with India. Today it constitutes Goa’s number one enemy that is destroying our water bodies every day. Our majestic green mountains of Western Ghats are being chopped down for exports. Villages in the mining belt are becoming increasing thirsty for water and ironically depending upon the very industry to quench their thirst. Pissurlem village in Sattari Taluka is only one example to this situation.
Mining has damaged agriculture – our paddy fields – and snatched food from our plates. It has silted our rivers so badly that fish no longer spawns, Kushavati river is only an example to this. Our villages are becoming increasing poorer while few mining companies are usurping entire profits. A coterie of people has evolved as contractors of the mining industry and providing their services for speedy destruction of Goa forever. Forever because none of them has ever created Single Mountain that they are robbing today from our future generations.
Our water supply stands badly threatened due to mining activities taking place in the catchment areas of Selaulim, Opa and Assanora Dams.
Our two main rivers are taken over by the mining industry for loading and transportation of ore. Mandovi has 37 loading points with 1500 trips of barges per year while Zuari has 20 loading points with 1800 trips per year. Trips are from loading point to Marmagao Harbour from where the ore is exported in giant ships. Several big open cast iron ore mines operate in the catchment areas on Mandovi and Zuari rivers leading to huge accumulation of silt. Each mine creates rejection between 1000 - 4000 tonnes!
Our protected Area forest too is targeted by the mining industry. After Supreme Court closed down nearly 150 large mines miners have gone to Supreme Court they are permitted to resume around 60 these mining leases. Goa has forest cover of 1224 sq. km in addition to 200 sq. km of private forest.
Number of protest has erupted in Goa today because of mining. However mining companies in collusion with State Police force is involved in beating up and arrests of the protestors in routine manner. Colamb, Advalpal, Cavrem, Sirgao, Pissurlem, Mayem, Usgao, Maina, Khola etc are some of the villages that has have rose to challenge mining industry and are constituting boiling points of directly affected Peoples’ Protests in Goa. Number of tribal villages too is directly at the receiving end of the mining invasion and has challenged the industry.
We request you to take the message out from Goa that mining industry is terrorizing Goa – its people and nature – and we want mining terrorism to stop and Goa to remain prosperous without mining.
Remember constitutes 0.11% of India’s land mass and involved in 35% of India’s iron ore export. We are doing this at the cost of our very survival as people and at the cost of our rivers and water bodies that are source of life. Mining is on project to transform Goa into desert wherein everyone will want to avoid this place forever. No tourism, No fisheries, No IIFI, No agriculture, lots of building with no water running in their taps, No longer green goa as mining converting Goa into bloody red, lots of fights over water and survival assets. Mining companies would have made their money by then- in fact they already have – and settled in Switzerland, France or other green pastures.
Yeah, it is good to know how much money Mining industry has already made over the past few years: In 2003-2004 total legal (there is a huge illegal export that goes unaccounted) iron ore export was 22,942 thousand tonnes fetching Rs.46,457 million. In 2004-2005 total legal iron ore export was 24,717 thousand tonnes earning Rs.61,174.575 million. In 2005-2006 total legal export was 25,314 thousand tonnes at the value of Rs.1,77,198 million.
In addition to this large number of Members of Goa Legislative Assembly (MLAs) has entered into mining business during the past 5 years. That has seriously eroded capacity of Goa legislature to even bother about ongoing mining terrorism.
With Goa’s mining companies earning such a huge income it is hard to explain as to why Goa needs to have deficit budgets. In 2003 budget deficit was 2,141.10 crore rupes, in 2004 it climbed up to 2,615.17 crore rupees, and in 2005 budget deficit short up to 3088.67 crore! It is all because mining industry is juicing out Goa in every possible way! With this earnings Goa would have been highly prosperous State. But it is all round loot of Goa at the behest of handful of Mining companies that Goa urgently has to get rid of.
Stop mining terrorism in Goa now!
Tadi par as a metaphor becomes even clearer one takes into account some basic facts besides that are mentioned in the above pamphlet. Here are some revealing facts from recently published State of India’s Environment: Citizen’s charter titled ‘Rich lands Poor People: Is ‘sustainable’ mining possible?’[8] It is interesting to note that in the title of the book itself the word sustainable has been punctured with single inverted commas – punctuation that has Tadi par implications. The applied punctuation suggests that sustainable mining is impossible – an inference that has been the experience of the communities in the mining belts across India for over the past 100 years.
Anyway as one glimpses through the book on page 141 one encounters Goa. It begins with an important observation:
Goa is India’s smallest state – spread over 3,70,200 ha, it accounts for just 0.11 per cent of India’s geographical area. It is however, one of India’s leading producers of iron and manganese: four per cent of India’s iron ore reserve and eight per cent of its manganese ore reserve are in Goa. In 2004-05, more than 15 per cent of iron ore produced came from Goa.
The state has about eight per cent of its total area under mining, the highest in the country. Some 400 mining leases have been granted in Goa till 2002-03, covering approximately 30,325 ha – this works out to almost five per cent of the total area leased out for mining major minerals in the country. Of these, 222 mining leases have been granted for extracting iron ore: this account for 56 per cent of the total area under mining.
Mining companies were operating large number of mining leases in the forest declared as Wild life sanctuaries. Mining was going on in Bhagwan Mahavir Wildlife Sanctuary, Mhadei Wildlife sanctuary and Netravali wildlife sanctuary. At the behest of Goa Foundation petition of Supreme Court around 80 mining leases inside wildlife sanctuary was stopped. Of late however the miners have gone to the Supreme Court to asking for permission to resume mining inside Sanctuaries for 65 mining leases.
The book further provides some more important insights into Goa’s mining industry:
The value of mineral production in Goa, which has continuously increased since 2000-01, stood at Rs 829 crore in 2004-05; iron ore accounted for 99 per cent of this value…the state contributed one per cent of the value of minerals produced in the country.
But the mineral royalty received by the state government was a pittance – Rs 15 crore, Rs 18 crore and little more than Rs 17 crore respectively in 2002-03, 2003-04 and 2004-05. Revenues from mining account for a miniscule 0.8-1 per cent. While private miners are making windfall profits, the government and the people of the state are seeing none of it.
The book has interesting pieced together account on history and political economy of the mining trade of Goa:
The history of mining in Goa is intrinsically linked with its colonial past. When the Second World War ravaged Japan, leaving its economy in shambles, the country needed iron and steel to rebuilt itself. Goa, with its huge reserves, was well suited to meet this demand. Portugal realized that this market was a potential gold mine, and decided to tap it. Portugal also realized that it needed it needed to involve some local Goans and people from other Portuguese colonies in its plans; like all colonisers, it hoped that these agents would support its regime in order to protect their own interests. In fact, Chowgule and Dempo, who have huge stakes in Goa’s mining industry today, were migrants who worked for the earstwhile Portuguese dynasty.
Following this strategy, Portugal awarded mining leases in perpetuity to some Goans – mainly small businesspeople. Ever since, large-scale mining of iron ore and its subsequent hugely profitable export has been an integral part of Goa’s economy and – leaving an indelible impact on Goan society and environment.
It is also a colonial legacy that mining in Goa is still largely in private hands, even after the liberation of Goa and its integration into India. After the Indian Army took over Goa, the mine owners went to the International Court of Justice at Hague, which was to decide whether Goa was ‘Captured or Liberated’. The Indian government agreed to let it be termed as ‘liberation’, and this gave rights to the mine owners to carry on with the mining concessions granted by the Portuguese. In 1986, the concessions were abolished and converted into leases, which were deemed granted.
It is historical process by which Goa has been punished with Tadi par by mining companies. Exploitation and usury are hallmarks of this industry that has created concentration of political power of Goa state in the hands of few handfuls of mining companies.
There is further reference as to how mining in Goa has created situation of risk to the low ecological footprints communities:
Unrestrained iron ore mining, has devastated the lifeline of Goan society – its farmlands, forests, rivers, air and ground water – and Goa’s people are feeling the pinch. Most mines in Goa work below the ground water level. About 10 tonnes of water has to be pumped out for every tonne of ore mined. This leads to depletion of ground water in the surrounding areas. Surface water from the rivers also seeps and flows into the mining pits, leading to drying of the river downstream.
V. Metal Sensitivity – need for sustainable futures
While there has been a large amount amount of disruption of life and life supporting systems due to rampant mining activities, the aspect of consumption pattern - particularly of metals - has remained largely unaddressed amongst the milieu seeking to do way with anti-sustainable development patterns in operation. The daily routine of battle largely kept theoretical understanding of countering the exploitative process at the source of mining activities viz. stopping the operation of mines, campaigning against police repression on protestors etc something that is so necessary too.
However, those who are the consumers of the products from the mined minerals such as Iron Ore, Magnesium, Bauxite, Gold, Copper and all other types of minerals, are never questioned. There are multiple classes of people that are involved in conspicuous consumption of the products of the mined products for various reasons such as statement of a class, fashion, luxury and also as psychopathic greed. Today and also earlier it has been a practice to own jewellery – gold, diamond and silver etc – as a symbol of wealth. Possessions of these metals constitutes ‘security’ to some, status symbol to some, statement of class to still others, fashion to the well off classes, etc. There is need for radical need to question these consuming classes. There is need to reflect as to amount of mining is needed to carry on to make these fine products as class statements.
Consumption of Costly cars is another fad of the burgeoning global middle that is growing in leaps and bound India as well as in China. One peculiar habit of this class of people is to buy cars. After one car there is a trend to go for second and third cars. Amount of Iron Ore that gets concentrated in manufacture of these cars is not only enormous ecological scandal but also huge burden on the people in the mining global mining belts battling mining companies and State repressive mechanisms. The link needs to be strongly built between the consuming classes of the World and the mining companies-State nexus. This consumption pattern spearheaded by upper and middle classes also needs to be targeted in development related resistance discourse in theory as well as systematic practical application to address uncalled for irrational burden of car consumption by consuming classes. It is much wiser to divert the precious metal in improving Public transportation rather than promote through state patronage individual car consumption.
There is also need to be sensitive towards various daily use gadgets made up of metals and dependent upon electricity that is rapidly finding its ways in consumption patterns. Metal gadgets are entering the household consumption agendas in the same way that plastic entered household agendas by destroying India’s well known mud pottery in front of the onslaught of plastic industry. Large amount and variety of mineral are utilized for the manufacture of computers that has also already become household item in middle classes and upper middle classes. Communication systems that are evolving such as e-mail and World Wide Web is largely dependent upon for their applicability on metal consuming gadgets such as computers and mobile phones with economics of profitability being its driving force of their promotion. Evolution in communications technology has even evolved a term called ‘personal computer (PC)’ as one of the very basic concept in its functioning and appeal. The underlying message that one can derive is the computer for personal use. The term ‘Personal’ is distinctly different from ‘Family’, ‘Neighbourhood’ and of ‘Village’. The nature and ideology of these technological gadgets are reflected in their nomenclature itself. It targets individual and then transform and individual into consumer.
Construction industry uses huge amount of metal in the process. Moreover the construction as an industry – also known as real estate industry has transformed itself into profit driven industry. It is engaged in the project of housing and luxury hotel projects that are for the consumption of high spending upper and middle classes. There is a need for critical question on the entire matrix of Construction industry. There is a need to understand the magnitude of metal consumption at various levels by this industry.
There is also need to be metal sensitive when it comes to global war industry. The triple humiliating aspect of this industry is that first, it is an industry that is designed to kill human being in variety of ways, secondly, it is one of the largest consumers of metals and thereby ensures steady demand for ore and profitability of the mining industry. Thirdly, it is principally and legitimately financed through public funding by various state agencies. Consent is manufactured to legitimize this industry in the name of law and order and nationalism. Military agencies that includes Army, Navy and Air force of various individual countries as well as international agencies such as NATO, use large amount of metals for their various consumption needs such as trucks, tankers, ships, guns, bullets, protective gears, missiles, various kinds of ammunitions etc. Numbers of States are responsible for creation and promotion of non-state actors to engage in violence so that war industry continuously floats in profits through various kinds of conflicts all over the world. Peace and understanding is essentially valid option in the interest of sustainable future so that abuse of metals by war industry can be restricted. The metal sensitivity in war industry is all the more needed here due to one additional reason too. Number of countries has been considering nuclear option in war. This has led to creation of large networks of nuclear mines, nuclear plants, Military and Science. It is almost a nexus as the nuclear industry has managed to get itself state protection in number of countries and lage amount of public funding is directed towards building steady supply lines and utmost preparedness for nuclear attacks on so-called enemy country. This has been the phenomena especially after the Second World War when USA dropped couple of atom bombs on Japan in August 1945.
Even independent of war industry nuclear industry must be targeted even for civilian purposes. Nuclear mining is one of the most dangerous mining industries causing radioactive hazards. The worst case of nuclear mining in India is in Jharkhand’s Jadugoda Uranium mines. Due to passing of Indo-US nuclear deal, numbers of nuclear reactors that are facing opposition from conscious consumers of electricity in the West – Europe, America and Australia - are all set to relocate themselves in India. Couple new uranium mining sites are also getting cleared in spite of the opposition in Meghalaya and Andhra Pradesh States of India. Few sites are identified for nuclear reactors in number of Indian States including Maharastra. The State of Goa is going to be sandwiched between the two nuclear reactors – one to the South: Kaiga nuclear plant in Karnataka and one to the North : Ratnagiri in Maharastra.
Metal sensitivity is largely being able to be aware of once choices of consumption, one being able to critique and reflect on prevailing pattern of consumption related to metals, being able to reach out and connect with consuming classes and begin process of honest and frank communication, being able to decipher between need based consumption and greed based consumption, being able to willing to make serious effort to search for alternatives and challenge the profit based metal consumption to be replaced by need based metal consumption. To be able to connect loss of livelihood of the indigenous communities in Goa, Jharkhand, Orissa and other places in India, Philippines, Bolivia, East Timor and mines in other parts of the World to global consumption patterns based on overexploitation. It also means being able to disconnect with metal industry and connect with real people and community. It means being able to arrive at inner peace within an individual without greedy consumption of metals in various forms. It also means being able to find safer alternatives to nuclear power plants for electricity consumption. It also means serious re-thinking on our aspirations of life styles being more metal sensitive. Most importantly it means unlearning models of consumption based on greed. It means being willing to learn from various indigenous communities the models of life that is based on non-exploitative terms and integrating them into mainstream. It also means able to apply various societal and state agencies to influence metal sensitive development initiatives and alter existing consumption patterns that are leading the planet towards catastrophes such as nuclear radiation, industrial disasters and climate change. All the three looming catastrophes are caused by industrialization.
Non-industrial low ecological foot print communities such as Adivasi communities provide important lessons in peace, community spirit and non metal consumption pattern that have potentials for clues of solutions for greed based over consumption patterns. Metal sensitivity also means defending these communities. These communities have inhabited the planet and also used metals in most sensible and non exploitative manner towards nature as well as to human communities. It is only modern organised societies that are intensely involved in creating unsustainable future ever since industrial revolution for the past three centuries.
Conclusion
Declaration of Tadi par is an important dimension added in the process of existing development discourse in theory and practice. In theory it is less focussed concept. The category of boundaries opens up interesting tools of analysis for the enlarge understanding of the complex process in the middle of interplay. In practice it is of tremendous importance considering that it has been threatened to be invoked for challenging development model in place in Goa that is absolutely hostile to the sustainability of societies and cultures prevailing in Goa. It is possible to theoretically and practically to turn the concept of Tadi par on its head and systematically proceed evolve methodology to challenge waves of domination and exploitation.
For communities it is a challenge to face when one of its active people is targeted by the establishment and ordered Tadi par. The challenge is a form of protest the community will adopt in case the Tadi par is invoked in practice. So far community has faced all the challenges from the mining industry as well as from the oppressive state agencies in an ingenious manner. A possibility has opened up community to decide to reverse the process and invokes the Tadi par on its tormentors.
Invoking of Tadi par on the corporate and the oppressive state agencies is of absolute necessity with the wider emancipatory agenda to facilitate sustainability of cultures particularly of Low Ecological Footprint Communities on planet earth. Mining trade and global consumerism opens up greater need towards being increasingly metal-sensitve.
Acknowledgements:
Dr. Bikram Dasgupta for arousing interest in me to look at ecological issues
Ramesh Gauns and Rama Velip explained me the meaning of Tadi par
Marko Ulvila invited me to write this paper to be for two days seminar on ‘Dialogues on Ecological and Sustainable futures’ held on 16-17 December 2008 in New Delhi.
Durgadas Gaonkar spared me from various meetings so to be able to concentrate and focus to write my thoughts out for this paper.
Motesh Antao, Purso Gaonkar, Shanto Velip, Dument D’Suza, Egyps D’Souza, Xavier Fernandes, Palmira Dias, Milagrine Amtao, Tedoz Antao and entire community Colamb, Sanguem, Goa and GAKUVED team for their infectious enthusiasm and courage.
Endnotes:
[1] Currently is co-ordinator of Mand – an Adivasi-rights Resource Centre, An initiative of Gawda, Kunbi, Velip and Dhangar Federation (GAKUVED) based in Goa. E-mail: mandgoa@gmail.com.
[2] Rodrigues, Sebastian, ‘On Biases and Silences : Critique of Interim Report of Goa Regional Plan 2021 prepared by Task Force in April 2008’, Dulapi, 2008.
[3] Quated from ‘Cultures of Sustainability – Sustainability of Cultures: Africa-Asia-Europe Dialogue on the future of low ecological footprints communities: background papers and related documents’. Coalition for Environment and Development, Helsinki. 2008
[4] Tammilehto, Olli, ‘History and politics of Over consumption’, in ‘Cultures of Sustainability – Sustainability of Cultures: Africa-Asia-Europe Dialogue on the future of low ecological footprints communities: background papers and related documents’. Coalition for Environment and Development, Helsinki. 2008
[5] Purso Gaonkar in personal conversation with the author in November 2008.
[6] Quasi-Judicial officer
[7] Issued jointly by three mass based organisations namely Gawda Kunbi Velip and Dhangar Federation (GAKUVED), Ganv – Ghor Rakhan Manch (GGRM) and, Goa Federation of Mines Affected People (GOAMAP) in November 2008.
[8] Published by Centre for Science and Environment, Delhi, 2008.
Introduction
Movement of Indigenous People in Goa has reached critical stage. They have been waging relentless battle against unsustaining mining industry. Large scale extraction of iron ore has left Goa’s geography with dangerous repercussions to its water sources, agriculture, air, forest, rivers and life forms in general.
For the past couple of years Indigenous people are in the forefront of the movement to restore sustainability of their village economy and culture. This is the situation in other parts of India as well wherein Indigenous People as well other have waged glorious struggles in defence of the self sustaining economies and cultures.
Sometimes in the first week if November 2008 one of the family members of the protesting villagers of Colamb, Sanguem, Goa was called at the Quepem police station and warned by Police inspector on duty that if ‘trouble maker’ family member does not give up the protesting against mining company in his village then he will be sent tadi par. Tadi par has a text of its own. It has context of its own. It is sort to be explored as concept by itself in development context. It is an attempt in this paper to use it as metaphor of development as it is potent with large number of theoretical as well as practical possibilities.
The paper proposes initiatives toward generating metal sensitivity as one of necessary requirements of transformative agenda for sustainable futures.
I. Tadi Par As Text
Tadi par is a text. It is a form of punishment administrable to the criminals who cannot be convinced to change their behavior in by other forms of punishments by the State authorities. Tadi par is invoked rarely on the hardcore ‘criminals’ in the eyes of the state. As punishment it involves imposition of ban on the individual to reside in his or her locality. There is geographic cutoff with familiar location. It is a sort of exile. Tadi par is a Marathi word that means across the boundary. Boundary may be the village boundary, Tehsil boundary, or even district boundary. Juridical authorities of the state decide the nature of boundary. The origin of this word seems to be in the ancient form of punishments reserved to the non-conformist of their societies that invoked principle of ostracism was the most feared punishment as it deprives the individual with familiar surroundings, familiar people and most importantly familiar geography. Tadi par is a step ahead of principle of ostracism. It is not just social boycott of individual by the community but it is state enforced mechanism to sent person in exile even against the wishes of the community. Tadi means ‘boundary’ par means ‘across’. Tadi par means ‘across the boundary’.
II. Tadi Par In Context Of Goa
The invocation of threat of Tadi par comes at a time when Goa is battling relentlessly the imposed development pattern that is almost equivalent of highest class conquest of the State of Goa. Since its liberation from Portuguese colonial regime in 1961 Goa has been battling development model in place. It fought sometimes successfully sometimes not so successfully, but fight was always there. Lessons to learn were always there after every struggle.
One of the first struggles soon after Goa’s liberation was the heroic battle against Ciba Company from Switzerland fighting take over of 200 acres of tribal land in late 1960s at Dulapi and Mangado villages in Tiswadi Takula. This industry was set up by application of Police repression on the protestors. The agitation has resurfaced against the same plant in 2008 when the company after series of mergers has been re-named as Syngenta.
In the decade of 1970s Goa fought Indian corporate house of Birlas over the release of chemical effluents openly into Arabian Sea from industrial plant in Marmagoa taluka thereby causing large scale fish mortality. In the decade of 1980s Goa witnessed large scale upsurge of fishermen along the coast of Arabian Sea against mechanization of fisheries sector and introduction of trawlers in the Arabian Sea. This plant was force to shut down for more than one month and forced to install necessary precautionary safeguards.
Decade of 1990 witnessed large opposition to Tourism project across the State of Goa. Several projects that was sought to be bulldozed on people of Goa was fought. Some of these projects include Asian School of Management at Mandrem, Pernem that was luxury tourism project in the garb of education institution, golf courses in Arambol, Mandrem and Morjim in coastal Pernem taluka, Bambolim in Tiswadi taluka, Amthane in Bicholim taluka and Canaguinim at the coast of Quepem taluka. Japanese Holiday Township was battled in Arambol village in Pernem taluka. Japanese were to take over Arambol village as a part of its silver plan to relocate their elderly people to Goa by creating Japan like atmosphere in Goa. Due to protests all these projects were shelved.
Another luxury hotel project in Agonda beach in Canacona taluka was also battled by Toddy tapers there earlier in the decade of 1980s. The litigation is still ongoing and project till 2008 did not take off.
There was also resistance movements against expansion projects of Tatas owned Taj holiday village at Sinquerim, Bardez taluka in early 1980s when Common Wealth Heads of State CHOGM retreat was held in Goa at Taj five star hotel. Expansion stalled due to protests especially by Student Organization – Progressive Students Union (PSU).
Similarly there was resistance against expansion of Leela beach resort, another five star hotel in southern Salcete taluka by toddy tapers and other neighbors. Toddy tapper Michael Cardoza got his rights to tap coconut trees in mid 1990s.
Owner of the same hotel Capt. Nair entered one neighboring house of Goan widow, threatened her with his gun and dumped large number of cement bags in her house and forced to compromise by giving away her house for five star hotel expansion in the decade of 1990s.
In the decade of 1980s Progressive Student Union (PSU) was active in the struggles related to tourism. PSU carried with it ideas of the left with tools of class analysis to understand and act out their plans. Section of these students later on played important role to form tourism campaign group called Jagrut Goenkaranchi Fauz (JGF) in late 1980s. In English it can be translated as Vigilant Goans Army. JGF remained at the peak of its life in the decade of 1990s.
New economic policy unveiled by the Indian government in 1991 had direct bearing on the projects proposed for Goa. It has been agreement of the local elites in Goa as well global elites to develop Goa as pleasure commerce destination for the global rich. As a part of this agenda, golf course, exclusive foreign nationality townships such as Japanese township, Gambling spaces such as Casinos were proposed for Goa in the decade of 1990s. Goa was to get re-designed as tourism destination for the Super rich of the World. Casinos started operating in 2008.
American Chemical plant Du Pont was thrown out of Goa in 1990s after prolonged struggle from Keri, Ponda. Goa had its first martyr in the form of Nilesh Naik who was shot dead in Police firing. The same Keri plateau is inspiration to the movement against Special Economic Zones (SEZs) in Goa in 2008. All the SEZs plans for Goa has been stalled due to protests.
Development that unfolded in the first decade after the turn of the century demonstrated that the developers and demonstrators has again repackaged the same development model and are seeking to implement the same. Only difference between 1990s and 2000s is that in 2000s the developers are doing it in much more organized and sophisticated manner. The modus operandi adopted by the developers is formulation of Regional Plan 2011 that sort to convert the entire state of Goa for the housing, pleasure and entertainment of the super rich of India and the World.
Local elites were given free hand to further exploit the mineral wealth of the State of Goa. This exploitation continues amidst pitched battles against indigenous communities as well as other communities in Goa.
The major agitation in 2005-06 forced the State of Goa to withdraw the Regional Plan 2011 and put in place mechanisms to formulate Regional Plan 2021 with multi layered consultative process with some degree of transparency in place. However the draft plans re-introduces the ghosts of the Regional Plan 2011 with Airport to the Northern border of the State touching Maharastra – mainly to promote tourism, commerce and commodification of beaches of Southern Maharastra in much more aggressive manner, highway bifurcations from Darbandora upto Thivim – to transport future extracted mineral wealth of village in the middle of resistance: Advalpal, Sports city in Tiwadi taluka – with stadium and township with 8,500 flats over the agricultural lands, Hazardous waste treatment plant in Darbandora in Sattari taluka – to facilitate dangerous chemical industries in Goa, Large scale conversion of green areas into settlement zones – basically to promote housing for the rich that is threatening a major demographic destabilization that will outnumber local people of Goa.
The plan is a well orchestrate exercise to subvert spaces of freedom currently available and in its place institute rule of Capital to enslave everyone in Goa[2].
In fact large numbers of villagers are up in arms in the first decade of 21st century itself. Several villages are united to oppose the commercial housing projects in Goa popularly known as ‘Mega Projects’. Network of local resisting communities has evolved in 2008 known as Ganv Ghor Rakhon Manch (GGRM). In English it can be roughly translated as Village-house Defence Forum. Number of Mega Projects have been put on hold in 2008 due to this agitation.
Regional Plan 2021 also proposes couple of golf courses one in Canaguinim, Quepem and another at Arambol, Pernem: both these proposals are old ones and was fought successfully in the decade of 1990s through prolonged agitations.
The first decade of the 21st century also brought the issue of unscrupulous mining industry on the public agenda. Mining companies lost control over couple of newspapers and that allowed media reportage of the some aspects of the problems created by mining industry. People in the Goa’s mining belt began to get increasingly assertive and articulate on the ecological degradation in Goa’s hinterlands. Agricultural losses meant also the losses of livelihood. Tribal livelihoods were directly threatened with drying up of every spring, other people’s livelihood options diminished with drying up of traditional water well. Goa’s ecological genocide – ecocide - is on.
There are several beneficiaries from Goa’s ecocide. One of the biggest beneficiaries – historically - has been Japanese corporate sector that began importing Goa’s iron ore from 1948 onwards. Rise of Japan from crushed post World War II economy due to US nuclear bombings is in inversely related to Goa’s under development. Export to Japan that began while Goa was still Portuguese colony remained in the same format – dig and sell – for the past 60 years. Only change that has taken place is mechanized nature of mining sector over the past one and half decade.
In the decade of 1980s and 1990s Goa constituted 50% of India’s iron ore export and mostly going to Japan. There were other countries of destination too such as South Korea, Germany and United States of America (USA). Japanese corporate sector is major beneficiary for nearly 50 years till the time Chinese market opened up for iron ore exports. Japan utilized Iron ore for various reasons. Various gadgets including automobiles were mass manufactured and exported all over the world. Burgeoning middle class in different parts of the world including India consumed Japanese goods. For the rolled out cars from Japanese factories appetite for consumption was generated through advertisements. To accommodate cars and other vehicles new roads are being building, existing roads are in the process of widening through State patronage, sprawling parking locations are continuously built through Private as well as public authorities. More and more land is getting tarred in this process.
By the turn of the century China began importing Goa’s iron ore. Chinese demand created predatory race for mining in Goa’s hinterland. This is still on in 2008 though there are reports that Chinese demand is stopped amidst global recession. This however has not changed ground situation as far as predatory nature of open cast iron ore mining in Goa. Mining industry - that consisted of number of local elites as well as British Vedanta that has bought off mining company Sesa Goa from Japanese Mitsui – continues to pursue its goal of resounding death blow to nature and people, to water and rivers, to fish and forest, to Adivasis and Sustainable agricultural communities. These two sections of the companies are other beneficiaries in the process of extraction and resultant capital accumulation.
Global steel industry is another major beneficiary of Indian iron ore exports. It is in fact one of the major consumers of iron ore as it is used as major input for steel manufacture. And steel is consumed in major way by global middle class that constituted 1,728 million consumers in 2002 according to the statistics in slides from World Watch Institutes’ Gary Gardner in 2006[3]. World has been taken over by this consumer class infested with a disease called consumerism. In India and China too there are its victims, Indian middle class numbered 122 million consumers constituting 12% of the National Population. Chinese middle class is numbering around 240 million consumers constituting 19% of its population. Japan is ranking fourth globally with 121 million consumers constituting 95% of the Japan’s population. USA ranks top with 243 million consumers constituting 84% of its national population. Germany has 76 million consumers that constitute 92% of its population. Brazil has population 33% of its population as consumers constituting 58 million in numbers.
Rise of consumerism and consumer class is not merely economic phenomenon but essentially political project. Olli Tammileheto has interesting historical insight to narrate in his essay titled “History and politics of overconsumption”:
…by creating mass demand of luxury items it diverted people’s energies from risky political and collective activities to harmless individual aspirations.
During 20th century motor car was the most important of these political consuming objects. In Europe mass motorization was started by Nazis. Once in power they suppressed all genuine collective action of industrial workers. But existing workers’ quarters in Berlin and other big cities were big worry for them: the informal communities inside them could regenerate the movement. It was impossible to detonate them all and workers could not be gassed. Yet the Nazis invented an Endlösung for this problem: it was a new political technology called people’s car or Volks Wagen.
Hitler met the French car industrialist Renault in 1935. He explained why Nazis backed the People’s car so strongly. After the rearmament boom, workers were going to create troubles again. But Volkswagen will make the organizing more difficult. The ‘Cheapened vehicle’ was supposed to ‘diffuse the industrial labour force by transferring them from the factory location to the country.’ In 1938, Hitler laid the foundation stone for the Volkswagen factory near Braunschweig[4].
It would indeed be great folly in analysis if one considers rise of global consumer class as merely economic phenomena. It is accompanied by the political project of domination and control of dissent. This one reason perhaps middle class is always moving away from struggle and in fact becoming such a reliable ally of the forces of domination.
This is a broad context to Tadi par as reflected in development discourse in Goa.
III. Tadi Par As Concept
Tadi par as a development discourse represents boundaries. It denotes boundaries of tolerance. It denotes boundaries of dead end both for the production process involved in predatory mining industry in Goa as well boundaries of tolerance towards creations of societies and cultures of unsustainability. Application of this terminology is also very significant step in the life of ongoing struggles in Goa particularly related to mining industry. Applicability of this term has dialectical connotations. It demonstrates on the one end the intensity of the struggle that has paralyzed one particular mining site for 11 months. Mining industry in its exploitative project for the past 60 years has largely remained unchallenged and unquestioned. On the other end the ‘Tadi par’ demonstrates that struggle has led the political system protecting powerful mining industry towards the brink of desperation. It has lost patience with constant protests and continues pressures on the industry. Tadi par as concept carries within itself positive attributes of milestones of a struggle that has reached at the present stage threatening the State institutions. Invocation of Tadi par is actually a junction, a cross road where in multiple ideas of development come to coalesces in confrontationist mode in Goa.
Tadi par as a concept thoroughly provokes radical re-examination of development route. It provokes one to introspect whether is it worth to dig out all the soil leave the place in dangerous scars with non-sustaining culture? It is also a radical point of departure in a way communities understood Power and State. Local peasant[5] for example wondered as to why the mamlatdar[6] who hitherto always promoted agriculture is now ordering the arrest of the villagers demanding closure of mines threatening their agriculture and livelihood. The invocation reflects ambitious aggression of State on People; in fact people are being looked upon as burden that has to be sent across the boundary - Tadi par. It also meant corporate power over communities imposed through State coercive structures.
IV. Tadi Par As Metaphor Of Development
Nothing explains the tremendous sense of urgency to tackle mining as the trade is gradually pushing the State of Goa towards Tadi par than the following pamphlet[7]:
Stop Mining Terrorism In Goa!
Perhaps you are aware, perhaps you are not aware that mining posses formidable threat to the Goas’ survival. Yet it is true; mining has been terrorising Goa over the past five decades. People of Goa have tolerated this all this while but they can no longer do so. Hence we share this message with you so that you can take it far and wide as a friend and well wisher of Goa and its People.
Due to rampant exports of iron ore to many countries in the World including China and Japan due to demand for steel, our villages in hinterlands – in the talukas of Bicholim, Sattari, Sanguem and Quepem – are facing terror attacks of the mining industry that is largely supported by the government in Power. The Goas’ monstrous mining industry that took birth in the womb of Portuguese Colonialism has only flourished after Goa’s liberation and integration with India. Today it constitutes Goa’s number one enemy that is destroying our water bodies every day. Our majestic green mountains of Western Ghats are being chopped down for exports. Villages in the mining belt are becoming increasing thirsty for water and ironically depending upon the very industry to quench their thirst. Pissurlem village in Sattari Taluka is only one example to this situation.
Mining has damaged agriculture – our paddy fields – and snatched food from our plates. It has silted our rivers so badly that fish no longer spawns, Kushavati river is only an example to this. Our villages are becoming increasing poorer while few mining companies are usurping entire profits. A coterie of people has evolved as contractors of the mining industry and providing their services for speedy destruction of Goa forever. Forever because none of them has ever created Single Mountain that they are robbing today from our future generations.
Our water supply stands badly threatened due to mining activities taking place in the catchment areas of Selaulim, Opa and Assanora Dams.
Our two main rivers are taken over by the mining industry for loading and transportation of ore. Mandovi has 37 loading points with 1500 trips of barges per year while Zuari has 20 loading points with 1800 trips per year. Trips are from loading point to Marmagao Harbour from where the ore is exported in giant ships. Several big open cast iron ore mines operate in the catchment areas on Mandovi and Zuari rivers leading to huge accumulation of silt. Each mine creates rejection between 1000 - 4000 tonnes!
Our protected Area forest too is targeted by the mining industry. After Supreme Court closed down nearly 150 large mines miners have gone to Supreme Court they are permitted to resume around 60 these mining leases. Goa has forest cover of 1224 sq. km in addition to 200 sq. km of private forest.
Number of protest has erupted in Goa today because of mining. However mining companies in collusion with State Police force is involved in beating up and arrests of the protestors in routine manner. Colamb, Advalpal, Cavrem, Sirgao, Pissurlem, Mayem, Usgao, Maina, Khola etc are some of the villages that has have rose to challenge mining industry and are constituting boiling points of directly affected Peoples’ Protests in Goa. Number of tribal villages too is directly at the receiving end of the mining invasion and has challenged the industry.
We request you to take the message out from Goa that mining industry is terrorizing Goa – its people and nature – and we want mining terrorism to stop and Goa to remain prosperous without mining.
Remember constitutes 0.11% of India’s land mass and involved in 35% of India’s iron ore export. We are doing this at the cost of our very survival as people and at the cost of our rivers and water bodies that are source of life. Mining is on project to transform Goa into desert wherein everyone will want to avoid this place forever. No tourism, No fisheries, No IIFI, No agriculture, lots of building with no water running in their taps, No longer green goa as mining converting Goa into bloody red, lots of fights over water and survival assets. Mining companies would have made their money by then- in fact they already have – and settled in Switzerland, France or other green pastures.
Yeah, it is good to know how much money Mining industry has already made over the past few years: In 2003-2004 total legal (there is a huge illegal export that goes unaccounted) iron ore export was 22,942 thousand tonnes fetching Rs.46,457 million. In 2004-2005 total legal iron ore export was 24,717 thousand tonnes earning Rs.61,174.575 million. In 2005-2006 total legal export was 25,314 thousand tonnes at the value of Rs.1,77,198 million.
In addition to this large number of Members of Goa Legislative Assembly (MLAs) has entered into mining business during the past 5 years. That has seriously eroded capacity of Goa legislature to even bother about ongoing mining terrorism.
With Goa’s mining companies earning such a huge income it is hard to explain as to why Goa needs to have deficit budgets. In 2003 budget deficit was 2,141.10 crore rupes, in 2004 it climbed up to 2,615.17 crore rupees, and in 2005 budget deficit short up to 3088.67 crore! It is all because mining industry is juicing out Goa in every possible way! With this earnings Goa would have been highly prosperous State. But it is all round loot of Goa at the behest of handful of Mining companies that Goa urgently has to get rid of.
Stop mining terrorism in Goa now!
Tadi par as a metaphor becomes even clearer one takes into account some basic facts besides that are mentioned in the above pamphlet. Here are some revealing facts from recently published State of India’s Environment: Citizen’s charter titled ‘Rich lands Poor People: Is ‘sustainable’ mining possible?’[8] It is interesting to note that in the title of the book itself the word sustainable has been punctured with single inverted commas – punctuation that has Tadi par implications. The applied punctuation suggests that sustainable mining is impossible – an inference that has been the experience of the communities in the mining belts across India for over the past 100 years.
Anyway as one glimpses through the book on page 141 one encounters Goa. It begins with an important observation:
Goa is India’s smallest state – spread over 3,70,200 ha, it accounts for just 0.11 per cent of India’s geographical area. It is however, one of India’s leading producers of iron and manganese: four per cent of India’s iron ore reserve and eight per cent of its manganese ore reserve are in Goa. In 2004-05, more than 15 per cent of iron ore produced came from Goa.
The state has about eight per cent of its total area under mining, the highest in the country. Some 400 mining leases have been granted in Goa till 2002-03, covering approximately 30,325 ha – this works out to almost five per cent of the total area leased out for mining major minerals in the country. Of these, 222 mining leases have been granted for extracting iron ore: this account for 56 per cent of the total area under mining.
Mining companies were operating large number of mining leases in the forest declared as Wild life sanctuaries. Mining was going on in Bhagwan Mahavir Wildlife Sanctuary, Mhadei Wildlife sanctuary and Netravali wildlife sanctuary. At the behest of Goa Foundation petition of Supreme Court around 80 mining leases inside wildlife sanctuary was stopped. Of late however the miners have gone to the Supreme Court to asking for permission to resume mining inside Sanctuaries for 65 mining leases.
The book further provides some more important insights into Goa’s mining industry:
The value of mineral production in Goa, which has continuously increased since 2000-01, stood at Rs 829 crore in 2004-05; iron ore accounted for 99 per cent of this value…the state contributed one per cent of the value of minerals produced in the country.
But the mineral royalty received by the state government was a pittance – Rs 15 crore, Rs 18 crore and little more than Rs 17 crore respectively in 2002-03, 2003-04 and 2004-05. Revenues from mining account for a miniscule 0.8-1 per cent. While private miners are making windfall profits, the government and the people of the state are seeing none of it.
The book has interesting pieced together account on history and political economy of the mining trade of Goa:
The history of mining in Goa is intrinsically linked with its colonial past. When the Second World War ravaged Japan, leaving its economy in shambles, the country needed iron and steel to rebuilt itself. Goa, with its huge reserves, was well suited to meet this demand. Portugal realized that this market was a potential gold mine, and decided to tap it. Portugal also realized that it needed it needed to involve some local Goans and people from other Portuguese colonies in its plans; like all colonisers, it hoped that these agents would support its regime in order to protect their own interests. In fact, Chowgule and Dempo, who have huge stakes in Goa’s mining industry today, were migrants who worked for the earstwhile Portuguese dynasty.
Following this strategy, Portugal awarded mining leases in perpetuity to some Goans – mainly small businesspeople. Ever since, large-scale mining of iron ore and its subsequent hugely profitable export has been an integral part of Goa’s economy and – leaving an indelible impact on Goan society and environment.
It is also a colonial legacy that mining in Goa is still largely in private hands, even after the liberation of Goa and its integration into India. After the Indian Army took over Goa, the mine owners went to the International Court of Justice at Hague, which was to decide whether Goa was ‘Captured or Liberated’. The Indian government agreed to let it be termed as ‘liberation’, and this gave rights to the mine owners to carry on with the mining concessions granted by the Portuguese. In 1986, the concessions were abolished and converted into leases, which were deemed granted.
It is historical process by which Goa has been punished with Tadi par by mining companies. Exploitation and usury are hallmarks of this industry that has created concentration of political power of Goa state in the hands of few handfuls of mining companies.
There is further reference as to how mining in Goa has created situation of risk to the low ecological footprints communities:
Unrestrained iron ore mining, has devastated the lifeline of Goan society – its farmlands, forests, rivers, air and ground water – and Goa’s people are feeling the pinch. Most mines in Goa work below the ground water level. About 10 tonnes of water has to be pumped out for every tonne of ore mined. This leads to depletion of ground water in the surrounding areas. Surface water from the rivers also seeps and flows into the mining pits, leading to drying of the river downstream.
V. Metal Sensitivity – need for sustainable futures
While there has been a large amount amount of disruption of life and life supporting systems due to rampant mining activities, the aspect of consumption pattern - particularly of metals - has remained largely unaddressed amongst the milieu seeking to do way with anti-sustainable development patterns in operation. The daily routine of battle largely kept theoretical understanding of countering the exploitative process at the source of mining activities viz. stopping the operation of mines, campaigning against police repression on protestors etc something that is so necessary too.
However, those who are the consumers of the products from the mined minerals such as Iron Ore, Magnesium, Bauxite, Gold, Copper and all other types of minerals, are never questioned. There are multiple classes of people that are involved in conspicuous consumption of the products of the mined products for various reasons such as statement of a class, fashion, luxury and also as psychopathic greed. Today and also earlier it has been a practice to own jewellery – gold, diamond and silver etc – as a symbol of wealth. Possessions of these metals constitutes ‘security’ to some, status symbol to some, statement of class to still others, fashion to the well off classes, etc. There is need for radical need to question these consuming classes. There is need to reflect as to amount of mining is needed to carry on to make these fine products as class statements.
Consumption of Costly cars is another fad of the burgeoning global middle that is growing in leaps and bound India as well as in China. One peculiar habit of this class of people is to buy cars. After one car there is a trend to go for second and third cars. Amount of Iron Ore that gets concentrated in manufacture of these cars is not only enormous ecological scandal but also huge burden on the people in the mining global mining belts battling mining companies and State repressive mechanisms. The link needs to be strongly built between the consuming classes of the World and the mining companies-State nexus. This consumption pattern spearheaded by upper and middle classes also needs to be targeted in development related resistance discourse in theory as well as systematic practical application to address uncalled for irrational burden of car consumption by consuming classes. It is much wiser to divert the precious metal in improving Public transportation rather than promote through state patronage individual car consumption.
There is also need to be sensitive towards various daily use gadgets made up of metals and dependent upon electricity that is rapidly finding its ways in consumption patterns. Metal gadgets are entering the household consumption agendas in the same way that plastic entered household agendas by destroying India’s well known mud pottery in front of the onslaught of plastic industry. Large amount and variety of mineral are utilized for the manufacture of computers that has also already become household item in middle classes and upper middle classes. Communication systems that are evolving such as e-mail and World Wide Web is largely dependent upon for their applicability on metal consuming gadgets such as computers and mobile phones with economics of profitability being its driving force of their promotion. Evolution in communications technology has even evolved a term called ‘personal computer (PC)’ as one of the very basic concept in its functioning and appeal. The underlying message that one can derive is the computer for personal use. The term ‘Personal’ is distinctly different from ‘Family’, ‘Neighbourhood’ and of ‘Village’. The nature and ideology of these technological gadgets are reflected in their nomenclature itself. It targets individual and then transform and individual into consumer.
Construction industry uses huge amount of metal in the process. Moreover the construction as an industry – also known as real estate industry has transformed itself into profit driven industry. It is engaged in the project of housing and luxury hotel projects that are for the consumption of high spending upper and middle classes. There is a need for critical question on the entire matrix of Construction industry. There is a need to understand the magnitude of metal consumption at various levels by this industry.
There is also need to be metal sensitive when it comes to global war industry. The triple humiliating aspect of this industry is that first, it is an industry that is designed to kill human being in variety of ways, secondly, it is one of the largest consumers of metals and thereby ensures steady demand for ore and profitability of the mining industry. Thirdly, it is principally and legitimately financed through public funding by various state agencies. Consent is manufactured to legitimize this industry in the name of law and order and nationalism. Military agencies that includes Army, Navy and Air force of various individual countries as well as international agencies such as NATO, use large amount of metals for their various consumption needs such as trucks, tankers, ships, guns, bullets, protective gears, missiles, various kinds of ammunitions etc. Numbers of States are responsible for creation and promotion of non-state actors to engage in violence so that war industry continuously floats in profits through various kinds of conflicts all over the world. Peace and understanding is essentially valid option in the interest of sustainable future so that abuse of metals by war industry can be restricted. The metal sensitivity in war industry is all the more needed here due to one additional reason too. Number of countries has been considering nuclear option in war. This has led to creation of large networks of nuclear mines, nuclear plants, Military and Science. It is almost a nexus as the nuclear industry has managed to get itself state protection in number of countries and lage amount of public funding is directed towards building steady supply lines and utmost preparedness for nuclear attacks on so-called enemy country. This has been the phenomena especially after the Second World War when USA dropped couple of atom bombs on Japan in August 1945.
Even independent of war industry nuclear industry must be targeted even for civilian purposes. Nuclear mining is one of the most dangerous mining industries causing radioactive hazards. The worst case of nuclear mining in India is in Jharkhand’s Jadugoda Uranium mines. Due to passing of Indo-US nuclear deal, numbers of nuclear reactors that are facing opposition from conscious consumers of electricity in the West – Europe, America and Australia - are all set to relocate themselves in India. Couple new uranium mining sites are also getting cleared in spite of the opposition in Meghalaya and Andhra Pradesh States of India. Few sites are identified for nuclear reactors in number of Indian States including Maharastra. The State of Goa is going to be sandwiched between the two nuclear reactors – one to the South: Kaiga nuclear plant in Karnataka and one to the North : Ratnagiri in Maharastra.
Metal sensitivity is largely being able to be aware of once choices of consumption, one being able to critique and reflect on prevailing pattern of consumption related to metals, being able to reach out and connect with consuming classes and begin process of honest and frank communication, being able to decipher between need based consumption and greed based consumption, being able to willing to make serious effort to search for alternatives and challenge the profit based metal consumption to be replaced by need based metal consumption. To be able to connect loss of livelihood of the indigenous communities in Goa, Jharkhand, Orissa and other places in India, Philippines, Bolivia, East Timor and mines in other parts of the World to global consumption patterns based on overexploitation. It also means being able to disconnect with metal industry and connect with real people and community. It means being able to arrive at inner peace within an individual without greedy consumption of metals in various forms. It also means being able to find safer alternatives to nuclear power plants for electricity consumption. It also means serious re-thinking on our aspirations of life styles being more metal sensitive. Most importantly it means unlearning models of consumption based on greed. It means being willing to learn from various indigenous communities the models of life that is based on non-exploitative terms and integrating them into mainstream. It also means able to apply various societal and state agencies to influence metal sensitive development initiatives and alter existing consumption patterns that are leading the planet towards catastrophes such as nuclear radiation, industrial disasters and climate change. All the three looming catastrophes are caused by industrialization.
Non-industrial low ecological foot print communities such as Adivasi communities provide important lessons in peace, community spirit and non metal consumption pattern that have potentials for clues of solutions for greed based over consumption patterns. Metal sensitivity also means defending these communities. These communities have inhabited the planet and also used metals in most sensible and non exploitative manner towards nature as well as to human communities. It is only modern organised societies that are intensely involved in creating unsustainable future ever since industrial revolution for the past three centuries.
Conclusion
Declaration of Tadi par is an important dimension added in the process of existing development discourse in theory and practice. In theory it is less focussed concept. The category of boundaries opens up interesting tools of analysis for the enlarge understanding of the complex process in the middle of interplay. In practice it is of tremendous importance considering that it has been threatened to be invoked for challenging development model in place in Goa that is absolutely hostile to the sustainability of societies and cultures prevailing in Goa. It is possible to theoretically and practically to turn the concept of Tadi par on its head and systematically proceed evolve methodology to challenge waves of domination and exploitation.
For communities it is a challenge to face when one of its active people is targeted by the establishment and ordered Tadi par. The challenge is a form of protest the community will adopt in case the Tadi par is invoked in practice. So far community has faced all the challenges from the mining industry as well as from the oppressive state agencies in an ingenious manner. A possibility has opened up community to decide to reverse the process and invokes the Tadi par on its tormentors.
Invoking of Tadi par on the corporate and the oppressive state agencies is of absolute necessity with the wider emancipatory agenda to facilitate sustainability of cultures particularly of Low Ecological Footprint Communities on planet earth. Mining trade and global consumerism opens up greater need towards being increasingly metal-sensitve.
Acknowledgements:
Dr. Bikram Dasgupta for arousing interest in me to look at ecological issues
Ramesh Gauns and Rama Velip explained me the meaning of Tadi par
Marko Ulvila invited me to write this paper to be for two days seminar on ‘Dialogues on Ecological and Sustainable futures’ held on 16-17 December 2008 in New Delhi.
Durgadas Gaonkar spared me from various meetings so to be able to concentrate and focus to write my thoughts out for this paper.
Motesh Antao, Purso Gaonkar, Shanto Velip, Dument D’Suza, Egyps D’Souza, Xavier Fernandes, Palmira Dias, Milagrine Amtao, Tedoz Antao and entire community Colamb, Sanguem, Goa and GAKUVED team for their infectious enthusiasm and courage.
Endnotes:
[1] Currently is co-ordinator of Mand – an Adivasi-rights Resource Centre, An initiative of Gawda, Kunbi, Velip and Dhangar Federation (GAKUVED) based in Goa. E-mail: mandgoa@gmail.com.
[2] Rodrigues, Sebastian, ‘On Biases and Silences : Critique of Interim Report of Goa Regional Plan 2021 prepared by Task Force in April 2008’, Dulapi, 2008.
[3] Quated from ‘Cultures of Sustainability – Sustainability of Cultures: Africa-Asia-Europe Dialogue on the future of low ecological footprints communities: background papers and related documents’. Coalition for Environment and Development, Helsinki. 2008
[4] Tammilehto, Olli, ‘History and politics of Over consumption’, in ‘Cultures of Sustainability – Sustainability of Cultures: Africa-Asia-Europe Dialogue on the future of low ecological footprints communities: background papers and related documents’. Coalition for Environment and Development, Helsinki. 2008
[5] Purso Gaonkar in personal conversation with the author in November 2008.
[6] Quasi-Judicial officer
[7] Issued jointly by three mass based organisations namely Gawda Kunbi Velip and Dhangar Federation (GAKUVED), Ganv – Ghor Rakhan Manch (GGRM) and, Goa Federation of Mines Affected People (GOAMAP) in November 2008.
[8] Published by Centre for Science and Environment, Delhi, 2008.
Saturday, January 10, 2009
January 12, 2009: Meet to protest defamation suit
Kindly participate in meeting to protest against 500 crore defamation suit filed by Fomento mining company against Sebastian Rodrigues for writing online at http://www.mandgoa.blogspot.com/.
Date: Monday, 12 January 2009
Time: 4.pm
Venue: T.B.Cunha Hall, Panjim, Goa
Organised by: Gawda, Kunbi, Velip and Dhangar Federation (GAKUVED)
Date: Monday, 12 January 2009
Time: 4.pm
Venue: T.B.Cunha Hall, Panjim, Goa
Organised by: Gawda, Kunbi, Velip and Dhangar Federation (GAKUVED)
Anti-mining activists accuse companies of harrasment
Anti-mining activists from different places in the State today alleged that mining Companies were harassing those opposing mining by using the judiciary to their advantage.
In a press conference called today in the city, President of the Gavda Kunbi, Velip and Dhangar Federation (GAKUVED), Durgadas Gaonkar said their activists were being demoralised by filing of false cases against them.
Adv. John Fernandes, a firm mining opponent from Quepem, maintained he had been framed by the police by registering a false attempt to murder case against him for supporting people protesting against dust pollution in the village.
Activists showed media persons broken police lathis that were used to allegedly beat people opposing mining activities at ambaulim, Quepem on December 17, 2008.
Sebaastian Rodrigues, another very strong opponent of mining and a consultant to GAKUVED, said that Fomento company had filed a Rs. 500 crore defamation against him for publishing articles against it on www.mandgoa.blospot.com. He maintained that here was nothing defamatory in whatever was written against the company.
Social activist and award-winning teacher from Bicholim Ramesh Gauns said harassment to activists was done basically to suppress voices of opposition against mining.
Shyamsunder Naik, who has been opposing mining in Advalpal-Bicholim said that a large group of people in the village continued to oppose mining in spite of gram sabha resolutions.
Another activist Rama Velip of Colomba said a new set of cases had been filed against him and five others.
GAKUVED has now called a public meeting to express their solidarity and support to the people resisting invasion of the mining industry at the Dr.T.B.Cunha Memorial Hall in the capital city on January 12 at 4 pm.
Herald, January 10, 2009, Panjim
In a press conference called today in the city, President of the Gavda Kunbi, Velip and Dhangar Federation (GAKUVED), Durgadas Gaonkar said their activists were being demoralised by filing of false cases against them.
Adv. John Fernandes, a firm mining opponent from Quepem, maintained he had been framed by the police by registering a false attempt to murder case against him for supporting people protesting against dust pollution in the village.
Activists showed media persons broken police lathis that were used to allegedly beat people opposing mining activities at ambaulim, Quepem on December 17, 2008.
Sebaastian Rodrigues, another very strong opponent of mining and a consultant to GAKUVED, said that Fomento company had filed a Rs. 500 crore defamation against him for publishing articles against it on www.mandgoa.blospot.com. He maintained that here was nothing defamatory in whatever was written against the company.
Social activist and award-winning teacher from Bicholim Ramesh Gauns said harassment to activists was done basically to suppress voices of opposition against mining.
Shyamsunder Naik, who has been opposing mining in Advalpal-Bicholim said that a large group of people in the village continued to oppose mining in spite of gram sabha resolutions.
Another activist Rama Velip of Colomba said a new set of cases had been filed against him and five others.
GAKUVED has now called a public meeting to express their solidarity and support to the people resisting invasion of the mining industry at the Dr.T.B.Cunha Memorial Hall in the capital city on January 12 at 4 pm.
Herald, January 10, 2009, Panjim
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
