Showing posts with label agriculture. Show all posts
Showing posts with label agriculture. Show all posts

Tuesday, November 9, 2010

Chichinim oppose market complex in agricultural land

“After studying the SGPDA Market Complex at Margao, which is stinking due to organic waste, plastic and other garbage thrown in the surrounding fields and properties, and after studying the Garbage thrown in low lying areas during filling at Margao and Navelim l, we recommend that the Chinchinim Market complex cum Panchayat Ghar be relocated to the existing CRC football Ground, so at to save our Chinchinim Cemetery, Church, School and prime paddy fields”, states Mr Frank Martins, President of Chinchinim Citizens Committee.

The President of the Union of Chinchinim Villagers, Mr Joe .M. Furtado also states that Chinchinim, which is the birth place of many football players, deserves Stadium cum Market Complex with other infrastructure near CRC football ground since it is centrally located and will not disturb the environment in any way.

Mr Jerry Fernandes, Ex - Dempo Sports Club football player, is also of the above opinion and states that the present part filling which has taken place should be turned into a beautiful garden for senior citizen and children as a due respect to all our departed.

Mr Delano Da Costa, Vice-President of Chinchinim Citizens Committee and member of Goenchea Xetkarancho Ekvott, also in favour of relocation of Market Complex, and states that due to Global warming our top priority should be to save the prime cultivated paddy fields, endangered species of frogs, turtles and other Flora & Fauna, as well as our forests. The Departments of Water Resources, Environment, Forests and Town & Country Planning should have guided the Government not to construct the Market complex in paddy fields. “During this environmental and economic crisis, the policy of self-praise through laying of foundation stones on one's own birthday, should be stopped”, he has further pointed out.

The unfortunate farmers who are struggling in sun and rain to cultivate paddy fields are yet to be recognized, since the National Farmers Policy 2007 is not implemented by the present selfish Government, inspite of repeated requests. The politicians and bureaucrats are again requested to implement correct policies, before it is too late for Goa.

Sunday, October 17, 2010

World Food Day – a reminder of our dependence on farming


World Food Day ought to be a day to celebrate the sustenance provided by the earth to the human race and all living forms. The 8 billion strong and growing tribe of humans sitting on top of the food chain should feel exceptionally lucky. Instead, today this occasion brings first to mind numerous challenges being faced by the agriculture sector and the environment. The tiny State of Goa, which is being unscrupulously sold for real estate, mines, industrial estates and other speculative and unsustainable land uses, is on the verge of a collapse of its food and water security systems.

In Goa, there is an urgent need for introspection among the decision makers as well as the people. The State of Goa is blessed with heavy rains and the precipitation is trapped in the forests, the lateritic caps and the coastal wetlands to give Goa the ability to sustain a large population in self-sufficient villages. Goa is one of the places in India where ancient knowledge systems have survived from times immemorial, a fountainhead of wisdom necessary for the survival of mankind. This extremely tiny land hosts an incredible diversity of ecosystems, giving rise to a feeling of being in paradise. In this background, the rapid loss of agricultural lands to unsustainable land uses, fuelled by the large profits to be made, has created an emergency situation like never seen before. Blinded by greed, we have dared to mine in the extremely sensitive Western Ghats, permanently destroying what used to be heaven on earth. In the process, we have also lost forever our precious water. Similarly, industrial estates and even commercial housing have been indiscriminately imposed upon the lateritic plateaus in the midlands, without any consideration to the life-giving functions being carried out by the plateaus for the numerous villages existing at their feet, or for their religious and scientific reverence. Thirdly, real estate and starred tourism have changed pristine coastal villages into environmental time-bombs. The Government has also done its bit in many ways to hasten the doom, especially by ensuring that all Government projects are planned in the prime paddy fields being cultivated by poor ST and other farmers for centuries. This destruction of the Goan paradise is like living the story of the man who killed the goose the lays golden eggs.

GXE implores all Goans to take heed of the changing times and the challenges lying ahead. We need to mend our ways for the survival of the future generations. Saving our agricultural resources is today the biggest challenge. In this endeavor, the Government has to play a leading role by reversing the unsustainable policies of yesteryears, and it can start this process by immediately stopping acquisition of agricultural lands, and implementing the National Policy for Farmers, 2007, overdue for three years now.

Monday, August 30, 2010

Vanxim kidnappings: Worker, son still untraceable


Jamla Kujur (40) and is son Ashok Kujur (10) who were kidnapped on 19th May 2005 from Vanxim island still remain untraceable inspite of all the police search. Missing tribals Father-Son hails from Chatisgarh, thana Lailunga, Gam Bhagudega, Simvarpar. They were kidnapped at the mid-night from the island and taken towards Bicholim. Jamla was working on the agricultural farm of Silveira family that has stood between those trying to take over the island for the luxury tourism purpose like golf course and luxury villas. Amongst those who are acting to buy of this island is Mahendra Gaunekar from Ponda. Silveira family has paddy fields in a land that developers have their eyes in Vanxim. Jamla was a labourer on these paddy fields for number of years. It is suspected that this kidnapping has been undertaken to discourage Silveira family from cultivating thier land. The family still awaits for the two missing one to return back to Vanxim island. Where is Jamla Kujur? Where is Ashok Kujur? Who has kidnapped them? Is it too difficult to guess? Perhaps the kidnappers and particularly the masterminds of kidnappings are thinking that with the disapearance of the two they can invade and conquer Vanxim island. If this is indeed the case then they are sadly mistaken.

Monday, June 28, 2010

Farmers protest land aquisitions in Goa

The state of Goa has commenced a number of senseless acquisitions of agricultural lands all over Goa. It is observed that all ongoing government projects have been planned only in Eco-sensitive lands which are also used as agricultural lands by us. The deliberate acquisitions of large Eco-sensitive lands for irreversible change is a lethal assault on our environment , our lives and the future of Goa.

We therefore resolve that no agricultural lands in our villages shall be acquired / allowed to be acquired. If the state government does not stop the ongoing acquisitions, we shall take all necessary measures to protect our motherland.

The Salpem - Tollem Xetkarancho Ekvott had organised a meeting at Rosary School Hall in Navelim to protest acquisition of fields 2,72,000 sq mts.

The PWD is acquiring fields for expansion of Sewage Treatment Plant (STP) and a buffer zone for STP. Total agricultural land required is 272000 sq.mts. As per common knowledge expansion of STP can be done in their existing land which is more than sufficient and also confirmed by Chief Minister Mr. Digambar Kamat, said Jose Paul Coutinho, he said further that the STP is having capacity of 7.5 MLD and the sewage entering STP is 1.5 MLD, then why acquire land when it is under capacity.


1. George Barreto spoke on forcible land grabbing for Sinquetim bridge.

2. Melwyn Pereira spoke on pollution of Salpem Lake and how the farmers had to stop farming due to pollution, how development of Margao destroyed Salpem lake, is that the real development?

3. Sidharth Karapurkar spoke that land acquisition act 1894 was a British act designed to grab land from Indians for the East India Company, so why is Goa government using this British act to grab land from its own people, they are acting like the British. He also mentioned that the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has written a reply to GXE and Goa government asking the Goa government not to acquire agricultural land.

4. Cruz Rodrigues spoke that Communidade land is thousand years old and that government has no right to acquire it.

5. Claudias Dias from Rawanfond spoke how the government robbed their fields and now they don’t have anything for livelihood and have to depend on petty jobs.

6. Sandeep Kambli from Mopa spoke on how government is acquiring land when there exists a airport in Goa, also Goa being small state it does not require 2 airports, and the government will close Dabolim airport after commencing airport at Mopa. The runway of Dabolim is enough to land A 380 which requires 3200mts length and Dabolim can be expanded to 4000 mts as per google earth images.

Sidharth Karapurkar

Tuesday, May 11, 2010

Fuel pump for mining trucks threatens agriculture in Colamb

This is picture of trucks at filling of diesel at Fuel filling Pump near the Hiralal Khodidas Mine operated by Fomentos in Colamb, Sanguem. Villager Milagrine Antao complains that this is affecting her paddy cultivation. There are good reasons to believe her.

Sebastian Rodrigues with photo by Anuja

Friday, April 23, 2010

Paddy yield suffer due to mining in Colamb

Couple of days ago I was in Colamb, Sanguem and over there I met Dument D'souza. She has just finished harvest of this season. After questioning she disclosed that paddy yield this year has drastically suffered due to nearby Hiralal Khodidas mine operated by Fomentos. She disclosed that she normally used to reap 20 bags of paddy. This season she has got only 7 bags. That means 13 bags loss.

Mining, particularly in its mechanized version has caused enormous harm by drying up of water sources. Siltation of paddy fields has also reduced the soil fertility. This is a common sense that rulers of Goa as well as mining companies pretend not to understand. By this stand they have positioned themselves as enemies of Goa, its water sources as wells its people in engaged in paddy cultivation like Dument D'souza. They are like that nude King on horse back who thought that he was wearing best dress in the world till young boy told him the naked truth on his face!

Mining industry as well as the rulers of Goa behave as if they are permanently high flying illusion. They fail to understand that by continuing mining just because few companies make huge profits, they are actually doing something nasty - cutting their own legs of sustainability. If they refuse to get hints and get cracking further on mining industry in Goa then it is but certain that the rulers in Goa will have to bite mining dust in not too distant future.

Time for Goa's rulers is running out. It is running out very fast. It is ozzing out of every diesel pump that is set up on the mines in Goa. In fact, to be honest rulers of Goa are very pathetic lot. They are irrational. They have made money at the cost of Mother Earth for the past 60 years and still scheme how to do this further. For deep within they are hallow. They think that their police violence, goon violence, smart diplomacy to divert attention away from mining is going to keep them permanently in Power as ruling elements. Their beliefs are like a balloon bloated with hot air that will go burst with touch of a thorny tiny being. Poor pathetic guys leave in a make believe world and tearing apart beautiful world in the midst of western ghats with chirping birds, wandering panthers, roaring tigers, dancing butterflies, handsome cobras, croaking frogs, variety of fishes and majestic mountains and its people. Someone who can do this level of violence to living being has to be mentally ill. Cause of this illness has to be self-inflicted violence. Someone whose sense of compassion has hit rock bottom and has become addict of violence. All the mining companies and their cronies come into this category.

They have enslaved themselves through machinery and holding people and ecology captive. We need a medicine them them free from machines.

Sebastian Rodrigues

Saturday, April 10, 2010

RAPE: Rapid Assessment Pauperised Environment

Sourced from:
http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/2010/04/3519

So why are they ravaging the pristine landscape of fruits, crops, springs and waterfallS in the Western Ghats, violating every law of the land? And who will smash this perverse nexus of politicians, administrators and mining companies?
Hartman de Souza Asniye (Maharashtra) and Margao (Goa)

While a ridiculous debate - whether mining in Goa is legal or not - continues, and mining magnates and their close friends in the government and administration bulldoze Goans into believing that destroying forests, water and selling the mud beneath to China is in their best interest, spare a thought for 14 villages just across the border in neighboring Maharashtra.

Darpi, Phukeri, Kunshi, Tambolim, Kesri, Otawane, Bawlat, Danoli, Bilawada, Zolambe, Talkat, Dongorpal, Asniye and Kalne. These are their names and you must remember them because soon, say another three years after the government of India has gifted them to Goan-based mining companies, and their surrounding hills and forests have disappeared in a huge cloud of red dust, they will return to haunt you in the form of summers that turn hotter by the year, air-conditioners that don't work because of power cuts, expensive 'designer' taps attached to pipes that have run dry, tankers which bring in water to wash your limousines and fill your swimming pools and spray your golf courses. They may even come back in the form of armed guards standing watch over sources of drinking water.
Pay even closer attention to the last three-named hillside hamlets on the list above, namely, Asniye, Dongorpal and Kalne. Why these three you ask?

Because the future seems over for these three villages if the ministry of environment and forests in New Delhi accepts 14 farcical permissions to mine that await clearance. The gigantic hill that once sheltered Kalne from the fierce post-noon heat just after Holi has already fallen to a mining company. The giant bulldozers and shovels, the mammoth trucks with double sets of rear wheels, look like ants, such is the height at which this ecocide is taking place; the more famous orange-painted Tata dumpers look like aphids scurrying around.

This is destruction in progress. Kalne has just begun operations and what is taking place before one's eyes could be referred to as 'preparing the ground'. Chronicling this is not easy if you have a soft heart.

The forest on the hill is first bulldozed and the trees disposed of. There are many ways to do this, some ingenious enough to involve pliant forest authorities in their sale and some as crude as just burying them under truckloads of mud. This too is not difficult. One merely shoves the trees, roots and stumps and all into the plain or foot of the valley, and covers them with a few thousand truckloads of the topsoil beneath, then cover this too with the laterite scree well below that, as truck by truck, a waste dump is created and the mining engineers get at the dark, almost black lode of ore.

Unfortunately, for the 14 villages in this area, this is also where are to be found the area's traditional orchards of mango, jackfruit, cashew, guava, and chikoo, and where, thanks to an abundance of water, local inhabitants have been traditionally growing two crops of rice a year for a few centuries, using the surplus created by agricultural produce to live, have children, own houses and land, be able to trade and even have aspirations. More importantly though, by their own admission, inhabitants here are contented, and at peace with their ways of life and the unmeasured pace that accompanies this.

It is villages and dwellings such as these, in a huge tract of land that passes down the eastern side of the Western Ghats in Goa and, now, into 14 villages in Maharashtra, where hills and forests and water have been and will be, legally appropriated, to leave behind dumps of dead mud adjacent to pits that in some instances go below the sea level, and where sources of water that seep there are pumped out to either wash trucks or filled in tankers to water roads to keep the dust levels down; where everyday life itself is and will be, covered in a thick sheen of fine, clogging red dust.

What is conveniently ignored is that Goan mining companies seeking permission to mine in the Western Ghats, wish to do so in areas where human settlements have existed for a few centuries. The waste dumps created can be anything from 500 metres to a kilometre or so away from where the pit will be created. The creation of the pit itself is a mockery at two levels.

The first, of course, heinous in the extreme, is the fact that in the name of 'economic progress and industrial development', heavy machinery can be used to make suppurating wounds on the face of the earth, that, as compelling evidence clearly shows, have never been healed. The other is that in doing this, the mining operation crudely mimics the methodology of a farmer who terraces the slopes of a hill to create fields and orchards, who, in doing so, reveres water and works with this element so that it remains in abundance, if not grows.

The extremely converse is true in a mining pit where terraces are made so that two dumper trucks can pass each other, where the pit lures water only to pump it out so that the ground below is dry enough to get at the ore. Wags in Goan bars - and there are quite a few of them in the mining areas, both wags and bars - have their own take on just how deep mining pits can go. They should just keep digging, they say, in between sips, then soon the pit will be deep enough for them to come straight out in China!

In Kalne right now the ground has been prepared so well, we are actually watching the slaughter as if the hill there was just the neck of a goat. The trucks leaving the mine, moving towards Banda and then, to Bicholim in Goa and onto a platform where the ore will be tipped into barges, are few in number right now because the pit is only just being opened. The trucks have no permission to haul the ore through Goa. So powerful is the greed to be a mining magnate and own your own helicopter that one can afford to ignore all public complaints and protests from people affected by mining.

Just before the rains arrive in another two months, rest assured that there will be convoys of trucks going into the mine, all the way to the bottom, and climbing out on carefully moulded terraces. All mining pits are progressively widened and made deeper. In the first year of operation, in a mine like Kalne for instance in Sawantwadi Taluka, or Cavorem in Quepem Taluka, trucks drive up the hill from the main road below; in the third year of operation, the hill long gone, trucks on the same road, drive down into the mine.

What links the 14 villages in this area is the range of hills within which and on whose steep slopes they exist. Driving into Asniye, Dongorpal and Kalne, for instance, coming in from the plain on which Banda sits, is no indication at all for the almost magical discovery of these hamlets, where the people revere the existence of water with such belief that they seem blessed with knowing they are content. In perfect consonance with each other, with local legislation that is village-centred and far from acrimonious, they have traditionally 'recycled' the hills where cashew, mango and jackfruit orchards have not been already planted in recent years.

It is a time-honoured tradition, clearing and burning undergrowth and cutting some trees for produce, to plant cash crops, then, after some years, leaving that to regenerate for some years and moving to another part of the hill to cultivate. They may cut a few hundred trees, but in ten years, such is the presence of water and fertility of the soil, the trees are back, sprouted from the same root and the villagers are already planting elsewhere. Each of the 14 hamlets is at the foot of a valley, on the sides of the gentler slopes,
surrounded on either side by this immaculate range of hills that threads them. As one enters Asniye, for instance, one skirts a hill high enough to shield you from the village itself. From the top of this hill, going down in third gear, is a slope steep enough and bending left that forces you to change down to second gear and brake cautiously, and not without the sense that some mystery lies ahead.

You enter a valley where the light itself, even though coming to mid morning, is gentle enough to make you catch your breath. The bright, almost luminescent green of rice ripening in the hot sun either side of the road, is tempered with the lushness and shade of areca nut plantations dense enough to block out the sun, and between them, beyond them, other fruit trees - wide fronds of breadfruit leaves; the small, juicy, glistening ones of kokum - and between these the villagers of Asniye calmly announcing themselves with the tiled roofs of their simple but spacious dwellings, each awash with the red and pink of hibiscus, the fierce orange of marigold.

If you stop at the tea shop at the entrance to Asniye, at the base of the hill that will climb right through the village, facing the valley and hills that fence off the horizon and keep in time, you feel water around you. You can feel it in the air, sense it, smell it, and even taste it on your tongue.

Thirteen hamlets other than Kalne would have gone unnoticed from all but the Goan mining companies had it not been for the Applied Environmental Research Foundation (AERF), Pune (www.aerfindia.org) which have undertaken exhaustive studies mapping the bio-diversity of these hamlets, and among other things, studying the patterns, use and conservation of water, identifying 'sacred groves' in the area, and, frankly, learning from the villagers their agricultural practices and traditions that many now know are far more respectful of the earth.

Quite recently too, a group of teachers and students from a well-known institute of architecture and environmental studies in Mumbai also discovered what 'development' translates into when a greedy government and the mining industry get into the act. This entire corridor of hills falls under the project area of the proposed Sahyadri Ecologically Sensitive Area, a project, ironically for Goans, that abbreviates to SESA, and which is, quite shamelessly, sponsored by the ministry of environment and forests, New Delhi!

If one considers that these ghats and their thick forests and water resources course down through six states on the western side of this country, traversing north to south, with an equal number of ghats in states on the eastern coastline also branching off further south, at the cusp of Karnataka and Tamil Nadu, it is no wonder these make for one of the major ecological hotspots of the world, and the gateways, let us never forget, to both monsoons.

In all this lies a truism. That mining companies go where the ghats are at their steepest, flowing outwards like bolts of rich cloth adorned with forests and sheltering water in their folds. Below the aquifers, as any idiot will tell you, lies the ore, or the bedrock that keeps the water from disappearing into vapour.

In studying Asniye as a human settlement, the young architecture students from Mumbai discovered 28 perennial springs and other water bodies that make the watershed. AERF knows of 68 such resources of water. Students discovered, that just as in Goa, the forests are community-owned, and that Asniye has 2 deorai, or sacred groves, protected and managed by villagers. If that is not all, the villagers in this area have been reporting sightings of 'patteri' tigers, a fact that just as in Goa, forest authorities have steadfastly refused to take seriously.

What AERF and others do know now is that a Goan mining company (read Dempo), as early as September 2008, submitted a farcical Rapid Environment Impact Assessment and Environment Management Plan for Asniye. A laboratory based in Hyderabad with a shop recently opened in Goa, prepares these reports at the hit of a cursor. The first report, blatant in its untruth, was actually rejected! Unlike in Goa, mining in Maharashtra is not governed by a colonial dispensation. In Asniye, the villagers let their grievances be heard, and the panel issuing such approvals to mine, were left with no option other than veer on the side of caution.

The mining company, not to be outdone, submitted a new report in February 2009. Such reports abbreviate among mining companies and the ministry to REIA or Rapid Environment Impact Assessment. Many want this to abbreviate to RAPE, or Rapid Assessment Pauperised Environment.

The new report mentions some 28 springs, the actual existence of the village and a list of plants and bio-diversity, but still proposes mining in the same area with mitigation measures and what is actually called an 'Environmental Management Plan'. The company claims the report was prepared by environmental planners, scientists, biologists, geologists and 'technical' experts. Everyone has found serious problems with many of the recommendations and mitigation measures.

Here is a small sample that got everyone shaking their heads in disbelief, wondering who was more dangerous, the venerable MoEF supporting an environmental initiative in the area and charged with protecting our forests and water, or the mining company intent on taking away the trees for the mud:

"For existence of living things, water is the most important commodity," the report states, "accordingly provisions have to be made for water holes, check dams, and gully plugging in order to provide drinking water to the faunal population. During the lean period, water will be provided from the Terekol river by pump and underground supply pipes to smaller ponds in the forest. The pond should be lined with polythene sheet to stop leakage of water stored in it." This in a village where the students found the water table so lush, the village has no need for wells!

See what the wildlife experts making up the report had to say: "In general, wildlife is devoid of food with salt content. In order to have good health of fauna, salt licks have to be made next to watering holes etc."

After turning village communities into ramshackle human habitations totally governed by the detritus of mining operations, red dust, grease, roads filled with trucks that spew dust, and a floating migrant workforce doomed to travel from one mining operation to the other, leaving behind ruination that no one has ever repaired, the report states: "The mine management will conduct social awareness camps for education, addiction, health and hygiene etc in nearby villages on a regular basis. The information about malaria eradication, HIV/aids awareness and prevention etc and the importance of proper sanitation health and hygiene etc will be conveyed to the people."

In actual fact, unlike villages that fall to mining, there is no consumption of alcohol in Asniye. Unlike Goa, villagers collect the nuts from the cashew and let the fruit rot and fertilise the earth. Villagers give high importance to issues of health, hygiene and cleanliness. Most are already aware of HIV and malaria and insisted they do not need any welfare or awareness programmes to add to the local government facilities which are excellent to say the least. They were unanimous in saying that mining would destroy the water resources and increase the risk of disease and illness.

As always, the mining company in question, cash rich, did as they do in Goa in the name of 'industrial and economic development'. They gave out the money to make even more money. Close to 30 per cent of the village land therefore has already been procured, the company taking full advantage of a rural population, in most cases not mentioning mining and in almost all cases targeting the male population with figures of what they could earn owning or driving a truck.

In this sordid tale, the larger picture is even more frightening for rural populations in both Goa and Konkan Maharashtra. The ghats, in which the people of Asniye lead their contented everyday lives, are crucial to the watershed for the entire coastal belt of Sindhudurg district in Maharashtra and an integral part of the catchment of the Terekhol river.

Just three days ago, on a bright Saturday morning, between 11 and 12.30, when the sun was at its fiercest, history may have been made in Asniye, on the ground opposite their stately panchayat office, not far from the primary school and local health centre. Close to 400 men, women and young people, dressed in their best, came to attend a so-called 'public hearing' - the forum where mining companies cursorily present their Rapid Environment Impact Assessment and Environment Management Plan before officials from the State Pollution Control Board, who then act as couriers for the mining companies who have already paid for and bought their so-called 'environment clearances'.

History was not in the fact that the 'public hearing' was cancelled and that neither the local government nor administration informed of the same. This is par for the course when it comes to mining. Already, political big-wigs, regardless of earlier affiliations and even so-called ideological divides, have rushed in to ally themselves with the mining companies in Konkan Maharashtra and take a share of the obscenely huge profits to be made from iron ore.

No, history is in 400 men and women braving the hot afternoon sun and shielding their eyes to listen to local village leaders elected by them, representing their best interests. They took a decision that ought to impact hugely on those in Goa and New Delhi who stubbornly refuse to see the dust and destruction of mining and its murderous accompaniment - the total displacement of people, their livelihoods and their histories.

All 14 villages in this ecological corridor joined forces in mid-March, 2010, and issued what ought to be now known as 'The Asniye Declaration'. Down to the last person, regardless of the few who sold out, none of the villages want mining to take place. If need be, they said, they would sit on the roads and physically block them. The declaration noted that since the villagers already opposed mining tooth and nail, there was no need to have a 'public hearing' to discuss the issue further.

There is a perversity in Goa that one must deal with. Mining operations in some cases are barely a few kilometres away from villages where a few hundred mining trucks are parked for the night, and where the impact is being felt even as this is being written, and yet, what madness can grip a population to do this? In Goa, in the mining areas, as soon as the money comes in, truck drivers break down their old houses and build news ones, sometimes going a story up.

This is the story in the length and breadth of mining country, people building new houses to show their new-found status and standing witness to how, they, their children and their dwellings can be covered by dust. Will this be the case with Asniye and the hamlets in the Western Ghats as they course through Konkan Maharashtra?

At the last hill where the road climbs ever higher to leave Asniye is the temple of the village deity, charged with protecting Asniye and surrounded by one of the sacred groves that the village reveres. Below this temple, where the dwellings that make up Asniye themselves wend like a river, flow most of the 68 springs that give the village its magnificent watershed. Right down this hill on which the local deity presides, course a series of man-made channels taking water to each house, each interlinked by nothing more than a flat stone used to open and lock water for use.

Villagers in Asniye never walk in this water with their slippers on. One can venture that no people who inhabit the Western Ghats, who live there, who work with the land, would fail to venerate the presence of water. In Goa, in village after village that is blessed with an abundance of water, mining, real estate and tourism-related projects have been, and are, destroying traditional water sources and bodies.

Is this the same fate that awaits the 13 other villages neighbouring Asniye?

It may be that in all the villages in the Western Ghats, there is a mythology surrounding the grandeur of a local deity and how protection and blessing for the village is made manifest in water. Asniye's temple and sacred grove is thick with trees whose branches sway, awash in colours of various shades - many kinds of green, some trees that begin with tender leaves that first turn pink and then change to bright red, others with leaves that have already turned a deeper red and many still covered in gold sheen.

Above this is Asniye's main and largest hill, on the toe of which, westwards, towards the mining operation in Kalne, will come the Dempo-owned mine. On this same hill behind the temple, beyond a mammoth and sheer rock of granite, tucked into hills that are only a six kilometre trek away from the famous Ambolim Ghat, is a waterfall that makes up Asniye's myth.

Except of course that this myth is based on a fact; in the months of mid- April and May villagers living close to the temple will tell you, while springs in the area lower their levels, this waterfall gushes even stronger. What they may not tell you, is that as soon as the Dempo mine begins operation that same waterfall will revert to what is commonly referred to as 'myth', the telling of a story of what used to be...

Sunday, February 21, 2010

Agricultural land grab in Goa under the garb of public pupose

The farmers of Goa under the banner of Goenchea Xetkarancho Ekvott in order to highlight the plight of farming community in Goa and as a part of its agitation decided in its first meeting held on 2nd October 2009 at Lohia Maidan Margao had a demonstration at Quepem Municipal Garden on Sunday, February 21, 2010.

That around 100 farmers from different parts of Goa participated in the day long agitation. The farmers also had photo exhibition

Speaking to reporters Goenchea Xetkarancho Ekvott president Deelip Hegde stated that the main purpose of the agitation is to reach to farmers of different part of Goa . He further stated that today, the Goa Government under the garb of public purpose rampantly acquiring prime agricultural land. The acquisition of agricultural land is going on in violation of central policy on agriculture which states that no agriculture land should be acquired unless there is an emergency to do so. The farmers of Goa will unite to fight these injustices.

He further stated that our MLA and ministers who are all way out to sell Goa for their selfish gain have became agents of Mining Companies and Real Estates. In the future all farmers will united fight against the government against the injustice that is being done to them. Such a demonstration will be held in different parts of Goa.

Goenchea Xetkarancho Ekvott Secretary Paul Fernandes stated that today government shout that people are keeping their land barren but the same government does not bother to find out the reason. He stated that most of the land in Salcete which are kept barren is due to stray cattle, the irrigation facility which is provided at the cost of cores of rupees goes in vain if stray cattle problem is solved then the farmers will cultivate their respective land. He further stated that the government is seen doing nothing to implement the Agricultural Tenancy Act which show how little the government is concerned about the farming community.

At the Dharna farmers of different villages shared their views with farmers of other villages.

John Fernandes

Goa farmers protest, stage one day fast in Quepem


Goenchea Xetkarancho Ekvott (GXE) held a day long fast on 21 February 2010 at the Municipal garden, Quepem to protest against the relentless atrocities being committed by the State against the farmers, poorer sections of the society and the future generations. GXE aims to protect and conserve agricultural lands, water resources and forests of Goa, which belong not to us but to our children, from the greed and ignorance of the few.

The event was attended by villagers from 22 villages and towns from Quepem, Sanguem and Salcete talukas. The day long deliberations were focused on local and national consequences of various State initiatives being forced upon unwilling citizens, and the alternatives available with the citizens to force the State to review and revise its anti-development policies, so that the long overdue corrections are immediately adopted. In particular, the villagers expressed anger and frustration at the arbitrary acquisitions of paddy fields, especially tenanted lands, destruction of natural water resources, complete failure of the State to honour its promise to provide 90% of the water from Selaulim Dam for irrigation, increasing illegal mining and the failure of the State to respect The National Policy for Farmers 2007 and The National Forest Policy.

Villagers from Morpilla, Colomba, Rivona and Maina demanded that no new mining leases or renewals be allowed anywhere in the State, since the Chief Minister seems to have forgotten his promise to rid us of illegal mining. Satellite images were displayed to reveal how easy it is for even a schoolboy to locate illegal mining in the State. All the villagers were unanimous in condemning the forest and police departments for openly defending mining in forest lands, and for attacking the concerned citizens who are trying to protect the forests. Villagers affected by a spate of new 4-lane roads in the hinterland, which are being promoted by the State for the exclusive use of mining traffic, pointed out that these roads would destroy a number of pristine villages, forests and water bodies which are not yet affected by mining.

All the villagers were unanimous that the complete failure of the Selaulim Irrigation Project, the apathy shown by the State towards farmers and the failure of beneficial legislations such as the Tenancy Act and the Command Area Development Act are responsible for the dismal state of affairs in the State. Villagers from Paroda, Assolda, Ambaulim, Deao, Chinchinim and St. Jose De Areal shared their experiences and hopes with regards agricultural failure and revival. The proximity between the health of the agricultural sector, the health of the environment, removal of social inequities and the survival of future generations was studied.

The meeting concluded with all expressing renewed commitment towards facing the social and environmental challenges lying ahead. It was resolved that in view of the refusal of the State to heed to reason, GXE shall redouble its efforts and increase the pressure on the State to relent, accept the reality and to embrace the changes that are essential for the survival of Goa and Goans.

Friday, February 19, 2010

Farmers protest fast in Quepem on February 21

The Goenchea Xetkarancho Ekvott (GXE) strongly condemns the refusal of the State Government to correct the present disastrous policies, and in particular, its failure to stop the acquisition of agricultural lands. We reiterate our demands that acquisitions of agricultural lands be stopped immediately; agricultural lands be reverted to agriculture use, and to stop indiscriminate conversion of agricultural lands to non-agricultural use.

The Government has failed to respond to numerous representations and public demonstrations, including the unanimous demand made by thousands of farmers at Lohia Maidan on 2nd August 2009 that acquisitions of agricultural lands be stopped immediately. Instead, the Government has blindly continued with the anti-Indian policy of the British Raj, sixty two years after Independence, which is especially devastating in the instance of our tiny and highly sensitive motherland, Goa.

The ongoing destruction of Goa is caused due to the flawed policies of the Government. For example, the sports policy of the State is being grossly misused to construct sports grounds by filling up fertile paddy fields, often using fraud, undue influence and coercion, without any application of mind, and by trampling on the helpless farmers' fundamental rights. GXE demands that the Government immediately stop all the ongoing acquisitions and restore agricultural to its rightful place, as the greatest of all public purposes in times of peace. It must also revert all acquired lands which are not yet destroyed back to the farmers and to the generations yet to come, who form the silent and invisible majority of our nation.

Since the Government is deliberately ignoring our just and essential demands stated above, we continue our State-wide peaceful struggle at the Quepem Municipal Square (garden ), Quepem on 21st February 2010 from 0900 hrs to 1600 hrs, where we shall continue to spread awareness and build solidarity in order to achieve our goals.

GXE calls upon all farmers, individuals, organizations and bodies from Quepem and other talukas to attend this day long peaceful protest on 21st February 2010, and to express solidarity with any form of expression or participation in our struggle.

Saturday, February 6, 2010

No to Jobs! No to Airport! Yes to Land!

Mopa Vimatal Pidith Xetkari Samiti addressed press conference on 5th February 2010 in Panjim. Around 20 People from rural eastern Pernem was present during the press conference addressed by Sandeep Kambli and others.

They declared their opposition to the proposed International Airport in Mopa. They declared that land acquisition process has been initiated by the Goa Government is another form of land grab to be converted into Special Economic Zone (SEZ). Economic elites are involved in buying up of land in Pernen in anticipation of airport project. Land by itself has become business.

Kambli disclosed that over 40 lakh trees from the 5 villages are directly facing the threat along with all the people from the 5 villages. With current state of affairs where is with the price hike the cost of gas cylinder is to touch Rs.500/- it is wiser option to protect the tress as they fetch fire wood. The decision to impose airport in Mopa is irrational. All the water bodies in Pernem within proposed airport jurisdiction are endangered.

Kambli mocked at the claims of the promoters that the locals would be employed at the airport. He questioned as to how many locals from Goa are employed at the existing airport at Dabolim. Kambli disclosed that project report declares that 25,000 people would be required to work at the Mopa airport. Kambli informed that that total population of the all the 5 affected villages amounts to 30,000.

Kambli said that during the entire process of Airport proposal none of the affected villagers are taken into consideration. Local people are dependent upon agriculture, horticulture and cashew plantations.

Kambli gave strong signal to the State against bulldozing airport on them and warned that State will be responsible for the consequences. He shared that 500 people from the locality opposed to the airport had submitted the memorandum to the various authorities and MLA but none has responded. “Is this a democracy?” Kambli questioned calmly.

Airport proposal includes 190 meters wide tarred road. Kambli said this is a huge scam of land grab and need to be fought. Pernem citizens has declared the fight against the airport and urged people across the State of Goa to join their fight. “We say NO to Jobs. NO to Airport. Yes to Land.”

The five villages have nearly 10 waddos each and every waddo has around 70 families each. None has been consulted on airport. The airport proposal has given rise to land mafia consisting of MLAs and Ministers.

Mining is destroying major part of Goa. The airport at Mopa is a guarantee to destroy the remaining part.

Dr. Rupesh Patkar addressing the press conference disclosed that there is no ecological study conducted on Mopa airport, nor there is any displacement study undertaken by the State. “Mopa airport is imperialist model of development.”

Sebastian Rodrigues

Sunday, January 24, 2010

IS GOA DAMAN AND DIU AGRICULTURE TENANCY ACT 1964 A BENEFICIAL LEGISLATION?

By John Fernandes

The Goa government, as part of the agricultural reforms, to curb exploitation of poor farmers by the landlord and to safeguard the rights of the tenants to the agricultural land which they are in cultivatory possession, in short one can say for the benefit of farmers, brought out a legislation called “Goa, Damnan and Diu Agricutural tenancy Act 1964”.

That in 1972 to fortify or to give more teeth to the Agriculture Tenancy Act or in short to make the tenant owner of the land which they are/were in cultivatory possession and enjoyment, the Goa Government made an amendment to the act called 5th amendment to the Agricultural Tenancy Act, which came into force on 14/10/1976. The 5th amendment to the Agricultural Tenancy Act became famous as “Tillers’ day” . By way of the 5th amendment a new chapter “Chapter IIA” was introduce to the principal act by which special rights and privileges of tenants in the form of section 18A to 18L were inserted. The Agricultural Tenancy Act being beneficial legislation meant to help the poor farming community who were part of oppression and suppression for ages is also given special protection by including it into the IXth schedule of the constitution of India.

The agricultural Tenancy Act 1964 is also known as Beneficial legislation. Is it a beneficial legislation or is it any other civil legislation. If it is a beneficial legislation whether the benefits of the legislation has been down pour to the poorest of the poor, to the most needy one. My answer is no. The benefit of the beneficial legislation is yet to get large section of the poor farming community of Goa. There are hardly any efforts being done by our present rulers to make the Tenancy act a beneficial one.

That section 18A of the Agricultural Tenancy act which is introduced by the 5th amendment reads as under “18A. Tenants deemed to have purchased lands on tillers day: (1) On the tillers’ day, every tenant shall subject to the other provisions of this Act, be deemed to have purchased from his landlord the land held by him as a tenant and such land shall vest in him free from all encumbrances subsisting on the said day.”

Section 18C of the said act reads as under “18C. Mamlatdar to issue notices and determine price of land to be paid by the tenants.”

That to give effect to the 5th amendment to the agricultural tenancy act the respective taluka mamlatdars since the year 1995 used to issue suo-moto notices to the tenants under section 18C of agricultural tenancy act whose names are recorded in the survey records, which survey is maintained by the Government under the Land Revenue Code 1968 and large number of tenants taken the benefit of it as they have paid the purchase price of their tenanted land and obtained Sanad. However in some cases in Quepem taluka though the tenants have paid the purchase price, the concerned mamlatdat like Vanancio Furtado who is presently the Dy-Collector of Quepem did not signed the copy of the judgement as a result some of the tenants are denied the right of ownership due to the willful negligence of the mamlatdar. They are still facing litigation under the Tenancy Act. Now in respect of the same cases the successive mamlatdar has put an endorsement on the file which states that “since suo moto cases cannot be initiated now u/s.18C as per the Judgement of administrative, this case filed”

That in the year 1999 the Administrative Tribunal Panaji in ten Revision application being Revision Application No.71/96 to 80/96 file by Rui Tito vaz against the tenants from Betul , passed a judgment over the 18-C issue which held that mere recording name in survey record maintain under Land Revenue Code 1968 does not entitled one to be a tenant under the Agricultural Tenancy Act. That in order to claim under the Agricultural tenancy Act one has to first get himself declared as tenant. That after the judgment passed by the Administrative Tribunal, Panaji in revision application 71/96 to 80/96 all the 18-C cases in which su-moto notices were initiated by the respective mamlatdars under the agricultural tenancy Act 1964 and which were pending kept in abeyance or the proceedings closed and since then no further 18-C notices have been issued to the tenant.

That after the judgment all the ten revision applications were remanded back to the Quepem Mamlatdar by the Administrative Tribunal with a direction to first conduct an inquiry under section 7 of the Said Agricultural Tenancy Act and thereafter decide the proceedings under section 18C a fresh. The ten cases which were remanded back to the Mamlatdar by the Administrative Tribunal in 1999 are coming up for the final hearing in October 2009 that is after a long battle by the poor tenants for 10 years. This inspite of the fact that rule 10(14) provide for disposal of Tenancy application within one years. To fought the battle for ten years under the beneficial legislation the poor tenants might have invested in lakhs.

My argument is that, if a tenant who is tilling the land for generations together, who has been exploited for generation by their landlord and inspite of the fact that his/her name is recorded in the survey record as tenant, has to fight cases like any other Civil case for decades together to get declared himself/herself as tenant What is the use of beneficial legislation? In such circumstance can the Agriculture Tenancy Act 1964 is worthy to call as beneficial legislation? Or it can be termed as any other civil legislation?

What is the use of 5th Amendment to the Agriculture Tenancy Act which was enacted with a motive to make the tenants owner of the land which they are in cultivatory possession ? What is the use of including the Agricultural Tenancy act in the IXth Schedule of the constitution?

In a judgment passed by the administrative Tribual Panaji being Tenancy Revision case No.21/94 court (on pg.7) made a mention that survey under the Agriculture Tenancy Act was initiated at list in one taluka that is in Salcete however as the survey under land revenue code came into operation the survey initiated under the Agriculture tenancy act was abandoned. This was done in order to avoid duplicity of work. Which mean the government has indirectly adopted the survey conducted under Land Revenue Code 1968 to the Agricultural Tenancy Act. This is so as there is no separate survey record with the Government conducted under Agricultural Tenancy Act 1964.

That due to the Judgment passed in revision application 71/96 to 80/96 by the Administrative Tribunal Panaji most of the genuine tenants have been denied their right to purchase under 18-C. Now they have to file tenancy cases which they hardly win due to lack of written evidence as the transaction between the tenant and the Bhatkar are oral. After the administrative Tribunal judgement there is a tendency developed among the landlord to file eviction cases against the tenant whose names are recorded as tenants, which most tenant are compelled to compromise or forgo their right due to weak financial position or due to ignorance of law . Only those tenants who had paid the purchase price under 18-C prior to 1999 and those who have obtained Sanad are safe.

Under such circumstance the agricultural tenancy act cannot be termed as beneficial legislation but like any other civil legislation.


Saturday, January 2, 2010

Mining- the enemy of agriculture in Goa

Talukas of Sattari, Bicholim, Sanguem and Quepem has been historically witnessed flourishing agriculture with rice as a major multiple crop. This was largely possible due to the availability of abundant water. People worked hard in their fields and got their sustenance and livelihood from the paddy fields.

However all this is rapidly changing with the coming of open cast mining industry aggressively plundering iron ore, manganese and bauxite from Goa. The agricultural fields are one of the prime targets of the mining industry mostly for the reasons of dumping of mining silt and for the ore that lies under the soil where fields are located. The most favorite strategy in place by the mining companies is that of paying of compensation for the loss caused. This is the case in Pissurlem in Sattrai, Sirgao, Mayem and Advalpal in Bicholim, Colamb in Sanguem and so many other places. The ideology of compensation is monetary benefit to the person who has lost his agriculture due to mining. This is however rejected by some bold communities in the agriculture and instead decided to take up cudgels against the mining industry.

The village of Sirgao in Bicholim stands out in this context. The number of people in the village that are challenging the three operating mines in their village – Dempos that is taken over by British corporate Vedanta, Chowgules, and Bandekars. They filed public interest litigation in Goa bench of Bombay High Court in June 2008. The court directed Nagpur based National Environment Engineering Institute (NEERI) to conduct scientific study. NEERI submitted its study in March 2009 confirming that mining activity has caused depletion of ground water in the village causing drying up of village wells and springs. It also confirmed that large amount of deposition of mining silt has taken place in the agricultural fields of the village and paddy cultivation has not been possible. NEERI submitted the plan to rejuvenate the water sources and remove mining silt from paddy fields at the cost of approximately 1.8 lakhs per hectare. The total amount that mining companies would have to pay to NEERI to restore Sirgao’s agriculture and recharge groundwater is Rs. 660.25 lakhs.

What is the story of Sirgao that is proved scientifically is the story of every village under mining in Goa. Water and Food security of Goa is deeply threatened.



Sebastian Rodrigues

Thursday, December 17, 2009

Objections to proposed amendments to Land Revenue Code

Goenchea Xetkarancho Ekvott

Letter no. /2009 Date: 12/12/09

To

The Secretary Legislature,

The Secretariat,

Porvorim, Bardez, Goa

SUB: OBJECTIONS TO BILL NO. 21 OF 2009

Dear Sir,

This is a submission of our objections to the Bill no. 21 of 2009. The changes proposed to the procedural law are acceptable. However, the changes proposed to the substantive law are strongly objected to for the following reasons:

  1. The new section 32A proposed to be inserted in the Goa Land Revenue Code, 1968 (hereinafter referred to as “the Code”) blatantly violates the objects of the existing provisions of the Code and shall cause large-scale unrestricted conversion of agricultural and eco-sensitive lands, thereby bringing misery and destruction upon the population and land of the State of Goa.
  2. The proposed section 32A violates the Constitution of India and various statutes such as Forest (Conservation) Act, 1980, The Land Use (Regulation) Act, 1991, The Goa Daman And Diu Agricultural Tenancy Act, 1964, The Environment Protection Act, 1986, The Command Area Development Act, 1997 and The Town & Country Planning Act, 1974, and therefore must be dropped entirely.
  3. The proposed new section 32A shall render the existing provisions of law under sections 32 and 33 of the Code, which impose restrictions on the change in the use of land, redundant and meaningless. These proposed changes shall cause unprecedented and irreversible damage to the highly sensitive environment of the State of Goa.
  4. The removal of the existing restrictions on the change in use of agricultural lands shall cause large scale economic and social destruction within the State of Goa. The existing sustainable economies shall be ruthlessly destroyed leaving the State completely dependent on external sources for its basic needs. The ramifications of such a relaxation of land laws shall be disastrous to the State and shall expose the residents of the State to social and economic disaster as never seen in the recorded history of Goa.
  5. The statements of objects and reasons do not provide any meaningful objects or reasons for the removal of the statutory restrictions on change in use of land. The reference to “facilitate housing in settlement areas” is misleading. Under the guise of “facilitating housing in settlement areas”, the new provisions allow houses to be constructed in lands which are presently not allowed for non-agricultural use. Thus, the effect of the new provision is to render the existing provisions of the Code ineffective and redundant.
  6. The changes proposed directly violate provisions of the various laws mentioned in paragraph 1) above, and allow constructions in settlement zones without any inquiry or verification whether the land is forest land, or falls in the command area, or is tenanted agricultural land, or is within the purview of other laws such as the EIA and the CRZ Notifications.
  7. The RP2001 as well as the RP2021 are not based on physical surveys, even though such a requirement is statutory under the TCP Act, 1974. This is admitted by the Task Force, which was constituted for the preparation of the draft RP 2021, in the policy document of the draft RP 2021. In this same document, the Tack Force has also highlighted major inadequacies and defects in the data used for the preparation of the draft RP 2021. For example, the forests in the State of Goa are not yet surveyed by the Forest Department beyond the ocular estimates conducted by the Sawant and Karapurkar Committees. In these circumstances, the zones demarcated in the Regional Plan are nothing more than broad demarcations, which cannot ensure compliance with the statutory regulations restricting non-agricultural use of land.

In the view of the:

  • the unique microscopic and extremely sensitive topography of the State of Goa;
  • the critical importance of Goa to the health of the Western ghats – a World Heritage Site and a source of floral diversity of astounding proportions;
  • global insecurity regarding the environment, food and water;
  • the ongoing displacement of the Goan agricultural tenants, many of whom are still to receive their Constitutional Rights as members of backward classes;
  • and a number of other equally compelling reasons;

we sincerely hope that you shall give this petition due consideration.

Thanking you,

Yours faithfully


Shri Dilip Hegde

President

CC: 1) The Governor of Goa

2) The Chief Minister of Goa

3) The Revenue Minister of Goa

Objections for legislations on agricultural in Goa

Goenchea Xetkarancho Ekvott

Letter no. /2009 Date: 30/11/09

To

The Secretary Legislature,

The Secretariat,

Porvorim, Bardez, Goa

SUB: OBJECTIONS TO BILLS NO. 19 & 22 OF 2009

Dear Sir,

This is a submission of comments on the Bills no. 19 & 22 of 2009. The changes proposed to the procedural law are acceptable. However, the changes proposed to the substantive law are strongly objected to, as under:

1. The changes proposed to the Goa Land Use (Regulation ) Act, 1991 effectively remove restrictions on non-agricultural use of lands which are vested in a tenant, except in the case of paddy fields. These changes must be dropped and the existing restrictions on non-agricultural use for all lands which are vested in a tenant must be maintained.
2. The change proposed to section 18K of the Goa Daman And Diu Agricultural Tenancy Act, 1964 which provides powers to the Mamlatdars to give “sanction for non-agricultural purpose” must be dropped.
3. The proposed changes to the substantive law related to restrictions on change in use of land vested in a tenant shall cause huge and irreversible damage to the environment of the State of Goa . The Bill No. 22 of 2009 proposes to remove the restrictions on change in the use of lands vested in a tenant, with the exception of paddy fields, in which case the restrictions are proposed to be maintained. The Bill No. 19 of 2009 provides powers to the Mamlatdar, albeit using oblique construction, by virtue of the changes proposed to section 18K.
4. These changes shall cause large scale economic and social displacement of agricultural tenants of lands which are not paddy fields, who mostly belong to the backward communities.
5. The statements of objects and reasons do not provide any objects or reasons for the substantial reduction in the ambit of the provisions related to restrictions on change in use of land vested in a tenant, or for the new powers given to the Mamlatdars for giving “sanction for non-agricultural purposes”. The statements of objects and reasons are misleading as they give no indication that the existing restrictions have been removed.



A brief summary of the facts and the reasoning supporting our objections are given below:

1. Bill No. 22 of 2009.



1. The substantive changes proposed to be brought about by this Bill are in essence related to restrictions on transfer and on use of land which is vested in a tenant. The changes to the present restrictions on use of land which is vested in a tenant are dealt with in paragraphs 2 to 6 below, and the new restrictions on transfer of land which is vested in a tenant are dealt with in paragraph 7 below.
2. Section 2 of the Goa Land Use (Regulation ) Act, 1991 presently prevents every land which is vested in a tenant under the provision of the Goa, Daman and Diu Agricultural Tenancy Act, 1964( Act 7 of 1964) from being used for any purpose other than agriculture.
3. The Bill No. 22 of 2009 proposes to drastically reduce the present unqualified restriction on usage of land which is vested in a tenant. By defining “Agricultural land” as land which is used, or has been used in the past, for paddy cultivation only, the amendment effectively removes all restrictions on diversion of other agricultural lands. Thus, by defining agricultural land as land which is used, or has been used in the past, for paddy cultivation only, orchards, 'Kulaghars', vegetable fields and lands used for cultivation of all plant species other than rice are proposed to be stripped of the protection provided by the Goa Land Use (Regulation ) Act, 1991.
4. The statement of objects and reasons appended to the Bill No.22 of 2009 declares that “Restrictions are also imposed on allowing use of agricultural land for any purpose other than agricultural.” However, the proposed amendment removes the present restrictions on use of lands vested in a tenant, except in the case of paddy fields. Thus the Bill effects a change which is exactly opposite of what is stated in the statement of objects and reasons.
5. The new section 3A proposed in the Bill makes the Director of Agriculture, Govt. of Goa, the competent authority to decide whether the land which is vested in a tenant is agricultural or not. Primarily, there is no need for such a discrimination, since all lands which are having agricultural tenants are presumably agricultural. Secondly, this gives the executive additional and arbitrary powers, which by itself is bad legislation. This shall certainly lead to increased litigation, misuse of the powers and miscarriage of justice. Also, through this ironic and absurd play of words, the narrow and arbitrary definition of agricultural land to be only paddy fields implies that the Director of Agriculture shall be required under the proposed enactment to declare that orchards, 'Kulaghars', vegetable fields and lands used for cultivation of all plant species other than rice are not agricultural lands.
6. The proposed changes to the present restrictions on the use of land which is vested in a tenant are without rationale and are against the objects of the Goa Land Use (Regulation ) Act, 1991. The existing legislation is in fact being defeated by the proposed changes under the guise of strengthening it. It is therefore submitted that the removal of restrictions on non-agricultural use of land which is vested in a tenant must be dropped completely and the legislation retained in its present form and substance as far as the provisions related to the restrictions on use of land which is vested in a tenant are concerned.
7. The other substantive change proposed by the Bill No. 22 of 2009 imposes restrictions on transfer of land which is vested in a tenant to any person other than agriculturalists. However, the term “agriculturalists' is not defined in the Bill, leaving huge scope for misuse of the provision. The following definition is suggested - “An agriculturalist is a person who is directly and primarily employed as an agricultural worker within the State of Goa, or is a resident of the State of Goa who is dependent on agriculture for his sustenance.”



2. Bill No. 19 of 2009.



1. The substantive change proposed to be brought about by this Bill is contained within the amendment of section 18K of the Goa Daman And Diu Agricultural Tendency Act, 1964 . The proposed new section 18K provides powers to the Mamlatdar to give “sanction for non-agricultural purpose” .
2. The above amendment to section 18K has no meaning, unless Bill No. 22 of 2009 is enacted with its current substance. The possibility of “sanction for non-agricultural purpose” arises only due to the removal of restrictions on change in land use proposed under Bill No. 22 of 2009.
3. In the statement of objects and reasons appended to the Bill No.19 of 2009, the amendment to section 18K is vaguely and incorrectly described as imposing restrictions on the transfer of land vested in a tenant, which restriction are in fact already present in the existing legislation. The statement of objects and reasons makes no mention of the implied powers given to the Mamlatdar to give “sanction for non-agricultural purpose”, which is the actual substantive change proposed to be carried out.



In the view of the:

* global insecurity regarding the environment, food and water;
* the critical importance of Goa to the health of the Western ghats – a World Heritage Site and a source of floral diversity of astounding proportions;
* the unique microscopic and extremely sensitive topography of the State of Goa;
* the ongoing displacement of the Goan agricultural tenants, many of whom are still to receive their Constitutional Rights as members of backward classes;
* and a number of other equally compelling reasons;

We sincerely hope that you shall give this petition due consideration.


Thanking you,

Yours faithfully



Shri Dilip Hegde

President

CC: 1) The Governor of Goa

2) The Chief Minister of Goa

3) The Revenue Minister of Goa

Wednesday, October 14, 2009

Come to Saptu's House

By Anjoli Bandyopadhyay
December 27, 2003

Up until four months ago, I had no concept of rural life in India. I have lived all my life in Europe and Canada in big cities and one small town. My first glimpses of rural India were rather enchanting as I rolled through the countryside and saw beautiful landscapes and men and women working in fields and wearing bright clothes. I was struck by the number of women I saw working and how this contradicted some preconceived notion I'd had that most women in India lived cloistered lives at home. I was also struck by the sheer variety of vegetation and the overwhelming greenery. I wondered why I had not come to India sooner. The air seemed to be less polluted than in the cities I had visited. But beyond that, I knew nothing of peoples' lives.

My first experience living in a village with a family was in Muschaurem, South Goa in the Western Ghats. Saptu, the head of the household is married to Savitri and they have three daughters and one son. They live in a thatched roof house with one large central room, one small storage room and a small kitchen space at the back. The house is surrounded on two sides by a covered veranda. One side of the veranda protects an old, seventeen year old cow that Savitri brought to the household as her dowry and the cow's two offspring. The other side of the veranda has a game board and chairs for relaxation in the mornings and evenings.

There's a garden in front of the house with roses and small trees and the well is a five minute walk away. There are two dogs and one small cat. Near the cows, there is a large black cauldron for heating water. There are fields surrounding the house and forest land towards the back and a dusty, noisy road a ten minute walk away in front of the house. Large trucks transporting iron ore use this road regularly, breaking the peaceful serenity of the countryside and polluting the air with dust. On the other side of the road are some blue green mountains clothed in mist in the early mornings.

When I first arrived at Saptu's house, we all sat down on the veranda and drank tea. After the initial introductions, Saptu told me that as he has four brothers but no sisters, he was adopting me as a sister. Saptu is lean and dark with a round face and short curly white hair and sparkling eyes. Savitri laughs a lot, unabashedly baring her red betel coloured teeth. I was with a friend who could speak Konkani so I sat back contentedly while everyone chatted. Brother Philip Neri also came to meet us and we were catching up on the peoples' struggle against illegal mining in the area. Mine owners are operating an iron ore mine only three hundred meters away from Saptu's house.

I learned that Timblos had been mining in the area for several years and that this family had noticed severe degradation of their environment and was experiencing losses in their livelihood as a consequence of mining. They used to cultivate rice, millet and sugar cane on their own land and had enough to eat and to sell. But they explained that mining has depleted their water supply as several of their wells have gone dry; last year they were only able to cultivate seven bags of rice as opposed to ten. They have started working on other peoples' land for sustenance.

Saptu added that he used to hunt for wild boar in the forest but is now prohibited from entering the "protected" forest areas. However, mining companies continue to operate on these same lands and deplete the wildlife habitat. Saptu, along with other villagers has been petitioning the government and the forest department to stop illegal mining activities. His seventeen year old daughter Sunita, along with several other village women, physically stopped the water pumps at one illegal mine and effectively shut the mine down. I was drawn to Sunita, an attractive girl, who speaks deftly, understands English, and belongs to a vocal youth group that has participated in a conference in Mumbai.

Suddenly, Savitri stepped back and shrieked and laughed when she discovered a snake among the sweet potatoes. I also uttered some sounds of surprise and horror. My friend, Seby, immediately proceeded to pick the snake up and stroke it gently before wrapping it around his neck. We all watched perplexed until finally one by one we were coaxed into befriending this harmless sand boa and protecting an endangered species. Needless to say, the experience also highlighted the fact that snakes and people are coexisting in an increasingly threatened environment. We all had a good laugh and the cows were milked to make some sweets for us.

Later that afternoon, Sunita, Seby and I went for a trek through the fields to the mine. Sunita led the way and showed us fields where they grow millet and earth that glistens with black iron ore. Sunita was wearing a bright yellow dress that contrasted well with the grasses in the fields so I started photographing her. Initially she was shy. Then we passed by the "markers" that the mining company has placed to indicate that the land is theirs. Some of the stone posts had been uprooted and thrown to the ground; one post was only half uprooted and Sunita finished the job. We laughed hysterically and continued up a mountain slope before reaching the "pit"--a huge black crater with several trucks inside it. I photographed my companions straddling large black rocks at the edge of the crater and then we started back down the mountain.

As we were walking down, a man called out in English, "Excuse me, excuse me…who are you? What are you doing here? Is that a camera you have with you? What photographs have you taken?" There were two men wearing hardhats and they were following us down the mountain. They wanted us to stop and for me to give them the film in my camera. Seby, who was ahead of us said to keep walking. The men continued to pursue us demanding to know what I had photographed and where I was from and what my name was. Sunita had been holding on to my hand, helping me to negotiate my way down the slope. Her grip tightened as we sped down the mountain. I almost tripped. Seby started answering back: "We are from Saptu's house… come to Saptu's house." The men continued to demand answers and wanted to know who Saptu was. And Seby replied that "Saptu is king."

When we got home, I realized that we were laughing nervously because we were scared. What had started out as an innocent trek through land that had once been beautiful and accessible to this family had become an act of defiance and we had been harassed for it. Philip Neri was there and we continued our discussion about how people are living in Goa. Philip mentioned that his life had been threatened for challenging the mine owners and their activities.

That evening as we relaxed, the whole family, Seby, and I sat down for a dinner which consisted of a heaping plate of rice, some fish curry, some vegetable curry and a nutritious drink made from millet called "Ambil". All leftovers are assembled and given to the dogs and the small cat. The cat was near Saptu's plate and he was giving it small pieces of fish. I noted the difference in how Saptu treated animals and how I'd seen animals kicked aside in big cities.

I was comfortable but exhausted and wondering where I would be sleeping. There are no beds in the house, only straw mats. After we had all finished dinner and gone out to the black cauldron to wash our hands and faces, the mats were laid out and blankets were brought out. Saptu lay down on one side of the main room by the door, Seby and Mohindra went into the storage room and Savitri, the three girls and I lay down side by side on the other side of the main room.

Savitri woke up very early the next morning to get water from the well, milk the cows and make tea, vegetables and millet pancakes for breakfast. People started waking up one by one and going to the well to brush their teeth and have a bath. Sunita's sister Surekha was washing clothes and her other sister Sujata was going to school and writing exams. After my bath at the well, I used hot water to wash my hair. Then, like the other girls, I put coconut oil in my hair before brushing it. Saptu was dipping the pancakes in his sweet tea before eating them and I followed suit. It was delicious! Mohindra had dressed up to go to a job interview for a posting as an accountant so we wished him luck.

Sunita, Seby and I went on a different trek this time. We visited Anil's house and he showed us around his fields. His family had been cultivating rice, cucumber, gourds, chillies, coconuts and other fruit. His family was intent on showing me how the quality of their soil has been affected by mining activities so, after a walk through some wilderness, I watched a boy sink half of a long pole in the earth of a rice paddy. I learned that five years ago, the pole would have been sunk completely due to the soil being very fertile. I was shown medicinal plants and taken to a shrine in the caves. Anil wishes to preserve his way of life and the quality of the soil. When I asked Anil and his relatives whether they knew of any remedies for insomnia or mosquito bites they informed me that they didn't need remedies for either of these ailments. They have remedies for snake bite and intestinal pains. But even these plants are threatened by environmental damage.

I stayed in Muschaurem that evening and attended a village meeting with Saptu, Philip, Sunita and Anil and Seby. People gathered together, talked, and decided to block the trucks transporting iron ore on the roads; they are protesting illegal mining. They've had enough of the silt deposits in their fields, the water shortages, losing their land, and pollution. They started their actions that night and a few days later those mines were closed. I spent a second night at Saptu's house.

I wish to thank Saptu and his family for their remarkable hospitality and I hope to return to Saptu's house for Sunita's wedding, whenever that will take place. Saptu told me that Seby and I were the first "guests" who had stayed in his house; I want to say that Saptu and his family gave me my first opportunity to experience rural life in India. And though the experience was brief, it was educational and inspiring. I'm hoping that people living in rural areas will have the chance and the courage to fight for ways of life that suit them and that are worth fighting for.

Turtles, Minerals and People in Goa

By Anjoli Bandyopadhyay
December 12, 2003

On November 30, 2003 three people from the Forest Department and the Ministry of the Environment “inspected” the beach in Morgim, a small coastal village in Goa. Their official mandate was the protection of the Olive Ridley Turtles that lay their eggs on this beach at night. If the turtles are disturbed or if their nests are raided for food, turtles will not return to Morgim beach. According to Forest Department officials, this is one of the few beaches in Goa that still has Olive Ridley Turtles nesting on it. These turtles are also known to lay eggs on beaches in Orissa, Tamil Nadu, Kerala and in the neighbouring state of Maharastra. So Goa, as a “state,” has an interest in protecting the Olive Ridley Turtles on the beach in Morgim.

The “inspection” of the beach resulted in the demolition of several “beach shacks” that serve food to tourists. These beach shacks are built of bamboo and are run by local entrepreneurs. The Forest Department had several recommendations one of which was the immediate removal of the unlicensed shacks that were pushing back sand dunes and encroaching on turtle nesting areas. The turtles are not threatened with extinction but the Forest Department Officers are intent on protecting them and attracting a certain kind of tourist to Goan beaches. They mentioned the need to cater to “upscale” tourists who will pay more to see the turtles, and dolphins and clean beaches.

Some shack owners are not convinced that the Forest Department is merely intent on protecting the turtles. The shack owners are mostly locals whose fathers were fishermen or toddy tappers who have chosen to work in Goa’s tourist industry, second only to the mining industry. They fear that the Forest Department is paving the way for large five star hotels to establish themselves further inland and that they will lose their lucrative but small businesses catering mostly to lower income English and European office workers and partying Israeli youths. The shack owners are already struggling with the government’s rising licensing fees which were raised from 15000 Rupees per annum to 50000 Rupees per annum and then dropped back to 15000 Rupees.

The fight for the survival of Olive Ridley Turtles began in 1996 when a concerned inhabitant of Morgim wrote to several organizations about the need to protect the turtle nests. The Goa Foundation, an environmentalist group, responded and with the Forest Department started patrolling the beach and convincing the locals not to eat or sell the eggs. In fact the Morgim villagers and shack owners actively participated in the turtle protection “programme.” However, the action may not be having its desired effects now that the Forest Department is targeting Morgim for five star hotels. The villagers of Morgim are quite rightly asking themselves whether they or their children will reap the benefits of tourism on their beach. In fact many of the villagers are already unemployed and poor or employed in Kuwait or Canada. The five star hotels will not be owned and run by local people but by the same people who own Goan forests, plants, fertilizers and mines.

Mining, tourism, and agriculture are now the main sources of income in Goa. These resources are all land based and at present there is a struggle for use of these lands. Goa has what is called extensive laterization, that is, vast underground brick formations of iron ore and manganese. One estimate of Goan iron ore reserves is 600 to 800 million tonnes. Other minerals found in Goa are bauxite, quartz, and saline clay. The laterite formations of iron and manganese ore store water and as Goa receives heavy rainfall, there has never been a shortage of water for forests and agriculture. Goa is also blessed with at least 265 days of clear sunshine every year. People have been growing millet, rice, vegetables, fruits, areca nut, cashew, coconut, and mangoes. However, as mining continues and the iron ore reserves are depleted, water shortages, water contamination and flooding are becoming major problems affecting the state’s agricultural economy and outlook for the future. The most common complaints are dry wells, drops in the water table, and silt deposits in the fields and rivers.

Pissurlem, North Goa

The situation in the village of Pissurlem, North Goa, is very serious. Damodar Mangalji & Company (DMC) started its mining activities near the village of Pissurlem in 1947. The villagers were already relocated twenty years ago to accommodate the mine and accepted compensation for their land. Five hundred families were living on the land currently occupied by the mine and one hundred and fifty farmers were granted compensation for their land as per the Ministry of Agriculture guidelines. Some of the villagers have not received their compensation yet. A road was built to transport rejection ore but many of the villagers opposed its construction. In 1992 people started blocking the roads to protest the illegal dumping of rejection ore on Forest Reserve lands. Many of the villagers, including Hanuman (?), were arrested and had to fight the mine in the courts. In fact, the villagers have many complaints and are considering not selling more of their land and relocating a second time as the mine expands.

Their main concerns are the shortage of water for their fields, contamination of their drinking water, dust pollution and silt deposits in their fields. This open cast iron ore mine has already created a large pit below the natural groundwater table resulting in a water reservoir filling the pit. The mine is draining the pit of water with pumps in order to access iron ore and diverting the water towards a river that flows out to the Arabian Sea. The villagers have asked that the water be diverted to their remaining fields for agriculture but the mine is refusing to do so. The farmers are not as productive as they were before due to shortage of water. The springs and wells have dried up and the villagers must rely on water pumped in to a village tank by the mine. They are drinking water that contains mining silt and are experiencing many health problems such as diarrhea. Their children are visiting doctors twice a month. They are also breathing in mining dust and many people are suffering from asthma and tuberculosis. Their fields are muddied with silt and they cannot grow enough rice.

There is an ongoing struggle between the inhabitants of Dhatwada in Pissurlem and the mine owners for basic rights and control over the remaining land. DMC is intent on displacing this village to a different locality and extracting the ore beneath their fields. The villagers have noticed "cracks" in the land and in their homes due to the mine's blasting activities and have asked that their homes be rebuilt on safer "agricultural" land in the area. They are asking for "155,320 Sq.mts of agricultural land" and the company is stalling by asking for legal proof. The company's offer "in order to save time and come to amicable settlement" is twofold; the company claims that it "cannot find any land in the vicinity fit for agriculture and equivalent to the area claimed by the residents of Dhatwada" and "proposes that if the villagers are agreeable it would transfer an area of 50,000 Sq.mts in Saleli yielding rubber plantation and about 75,000 Sq.mts of similar land in Kumarkhand." The company's alternative is that the Government acquire the land at the cost of the company and "the villagers be paid cash equivalent of their interest." The villagers don't want to be dependent on mines or rubber plantations for their livelihood. They want sustainable agriculture on their fields.

The social impact of mining on the Pissurlem villagers has been very negative. A recent article from the Herald cites a study showing that "those in mining areas suffered from higher duration of sicknesses, frequency of sickness and consequently intensity of sickness." The Pissurlem villagers report that people from non-mining villages are not responding to their marriage proposals. It is especially difficult for them to bring girls in from non-mining villages as people don't want to live in the mining dust and drink the water from the reservoir tank and polluted milk. Girls from Pissurlem seek husbands in non-mining villages. Women who worked in the fields twenty years ago no longer work in the fields and stay at home. Women who worked in the mines twenty years ago have lost their jobs due to the mechanization of loading. The only jobs available to women are serving water to the male labourers. There are only three women from Pissurlem employed in this way. The children of Pissurlem go to a school built not even 50 metres away from a rejection ore dumping site.

The villagers do not believe that the mine will provide them or their children with adequate employment opportunities now or in the future and they wish to successfully cultivate their rice paddies. Many men are unemployed. Only four villagers were "compensated" with trucks to transport the ore. The people of Dhatwada have asked DMC "to provide two permanent employments to each family as per their qualification." The company has refused to do this as "it cannot employ any more employees as it is already having surplus staff." The company adds that "almost all of the families of Dhatwada have at least one of their members working with the company." But according to the villagers, of the 700 people living in the two wadas of Dhatwada and Panchawada, only 32 men are working at the DMC mine, 8 men are working at the Sesa Goa mine and three women are working serving water at both these mines. And the villagers are already thinking about how they might earn a living twenty years from now when there won't be any more iron ore to extract from their land.

Rivona, Sanguem Taluka, South Goa

(Two neighbouring) villages in Sanguem in South Goa have similar stories. One village has been relocated as was Pissurlem. Only this time, the people were displaced by the government in order to construct a dam.. The Portuguese had constructed good dams (where) two rivers (meet and) the people of this village and neighbouring villages were cultivating rice and sugarcane). But in the name of "agricultural development," three villages were displaced and (split into six wadas) They were placed on dry lands with dry wells) and expected to) cultivate sugarcane and not rice (because rice requires water every four days). (Many people) , are not producing enough sugarcane to survive, have turned to drink and have taken loans to pay for food and drink. They no longer have a staple supply of rice to eat. While the villagers cannot eat due to water shortages, private pipelines take water from the government dam to five star hotels owned by (Dempos and Timblos). The villagers speak of corruption in the village panchayats.

In this region, communication is difficult as people are afraid to talk. Corruption, harassment and much monitoring of village activities prevents people from speaking about their lives and connecting with other people. Some of the tribal women working in a mine have to walk up and down hills for an hour and a half, morning and evening, to get to work and home again. They are watched by supervisors who are not local; these managers often accompany them home and prohibit them from speaking to anyone on the way. Some locals have reported sexual exploitation in the mines. The mining companies also employ sweepers for the public roads that their trucks use for transportation of the ore. These roads are damaged by frequent use and covered in mining dust. The sweepers are usually placed near shops and bars used by the locals and people are constantly watching each other and listening to what is said. When outsiders arrive and visit the Kushavati River, which is public, mine employees are dispatched to enquire about identity and take photographs of the visitors. If an outsider associated with a villager makes a phone call at a public pay phone, that phone number is tracked.

In Mushcaurem village, one or more members of the families have worked with the Timblos mining company. In Sunita's family, her sister Surehka worked in the mine located only 300 metres away from their land and home. She worked there for three years but had to stop when she had constant headaches and started losing her eyesight. Sunita's family is now surviving on the milk they sell from the cow Sunita's mother brought in as dowry on her wedding day. The family can no longer cultivate its own land and has been forced to work on other peoples' land. Whereas they used to get twenty bags of rice per year, now they only get seven. The reasons are always the same. The wells have gone dry and their fields are silted.

The mining company wants to expand its operation and routinely hands out applications for compensation to the villagers. Timblo industries and the Goa government filed an application under the Forest Conservation Act, 1980, to mine the ore on forest land used by the villagers of the Mushcaurem and Colomba villages. But the villagers are resisting this attempt to displace them for the ore. They want to continue living off their land and they have written to the Forest Advisory Committee that "these high mountains which are a part of the Western Ghats form a natural watershed, that bring forth water through countless perennial springs, which we use for drinking, domestic purposes, irrigation of crops and dairy farming."

The villagers also complain that the Forest Department evicts them from forest land for wildlife conservation that is then turned over to ganja plantations and mining operations. They used to hunt for wild boar in the forests but the Forest Department routinely patrols the forest to keep hunters out. However, the Forest Department turns a blind eye to the illegal mining taking place on these same reserve forest lands. The villagers, including Sunita's father Saptu Faterpekar and Anil Sawant, note in their letter to the Forest Advisory Committee that since 1996, "the diversion of forest land under Forest Conservation Act, in the above mentioned Survey Nos., was clandestinely being done."

On November 30, 2003, after protests and road blocks in Dandolem near Muschaurem, the government finally sent "inspectors" from the Panjim area out to the Sanguem area to monitor mining activities in the wildlife conservation areas of Verlem, Tudov and Salgini. Mining companies were aware of the inspection and stopped their operations. The village youth stopped the trucks at Kevona knowing that these trucks were involved in illegal mining activity. Some of the villagers had accompanied the government Field Officer on the inspections. However, later that evening, the mine owners arrived with formal permissions to mine from the Forest Department and the trucks were released. Again, the Forest Department doesn't seem to be too interested in protecting wildlife. As soon as illegal mining activities are challenged by the people, unrestricted "permissions" are given to mining companies in conservation areas. But the forests are vigilantly patrolled to prohibit Sunita's father from occasional hunting.

The Problem

The Portuguese seriously started mining activities in Goa in 1906 by granting mining concessions to certain Goan families in exchange for land, conversions to Christianity, liquor and women. These concessions were granted in perpetuity with the government merely reserving the right to supervise the extraction of ores. The lucky families, known as the “Goan industrial houses” still own the mines that are in operation today in spite of several attempts to redistribute and regulate mining activity. After “Liberation” from the Portuguese in 1961, the Indian government enforced the Mines and Minerals Act 1957 by distributing eighty new mining leases. However the new government did not cancel the Portuguese mining concessions. The mining concessions were to be abolished in 1987 with the Goa, Daman and Diu Mining Concessions Act, also known as the Abolition Act. But the mine owners successfully challenged this in court and have been able to continue their activities. So today, the Chowgules, the Dempos, the Timblos, the Salgaocars, DMC, Sesa Goa and others basically own the laterite iron and manganese ore reserves in Goa and have been given free reign to deplete these reserves without providing for the land or its people.

Mining, forestry and agriculture in Goa have a long history of association. Forestry began with the Fransiscan and Jesuit priests in the sixteenth century who needed teak wood to build Churches and for ship building in Portugal. The Jesuits were the first to plan “reforestation” with teak plantations and in 1771 the Portuguese set up an office for agriculture and forestry together. The forests came under state ownership and were divided into Reserve Forest and Protected Forest lands. The government has complete control over activities in the forests. In 1958 the Directorate of Agriculture and Forests and the Directorate of Mines were brought under one combined Directorate. The Forest Conservation Act came about in 1980. Some indications that the Forest Department works in tandem with the mine owners have been gleaned by the Goa Foundation; Goa Foundation reports that while official data states that only 480 hectares of forest lands were used for mining, the TERI (Tata Energy Research Institute) Report notes that 2528 hectares of forest land disappeared between 1988 and 1997 alone. The Forest Department has more of an interest in protecting mining companies contributing to the "development" of Goa's economy than in protecting the land, the people and wildlife.


The main mining lobbies in Goa are Dempo’s, Salgaoncar, Timblos, Sesa Goa, and DMC. Dempos claims to have been birthed in 1600 with “a fleet of small sailing crafts called Pangayas set sail.” This enterprise, "launched by the Dempo family” has grown to encompass mining, carbon manufacture, publications, and five star hotels on Goa's famous beaches. According to one report, the Dempos own almost the entire fishing village of Siridao. Salgaoncar, Timblos, Sesa Goa and DMC have remarkably similar profiles. All own and fund colleges in Goa. All of them own major publications and all of them are shareholders in five star hotels. Several of them are into construction and have a history in shipbuilding. Timblos, founded by Gurudas Timblo, has mining leases, beneficiation plants, magnetic separation plants and more significantly, barge fleets. Chowgules, with "modest beginnings in 1916…. had been exporting tin scrap, coconut oil, wood and bamboo to the Middle East..." also owns breweries, colleges, shipbuilding companies and construction companies. The turtle protection programme in Morgim was as much about fighting hunting and gathering of turtle eggs and the five star construction lobby as fighting the fishing trawler lobby. The government and the Forest Department use the conservation of Olive Ridley Turtles as an excuse to clear the way for Dempos and Timblos and Salgaoncar hotels on Morgim beach and bigger fishing trawlers owned by these same mining barons. Like turtles and minerals, the people are generally silent.


Addendum


Anil, one of Sunita's neighbours in Mushaurem, South Goa, has never worked in the mines but his parents and his sister Prema did. Prema quit Timblos after two years because of "harassment." She, like Sunita's sister Surehka, was also suffering from constant headaches. Anil is fighting the mine as he has noticed that his land is no longer as fertile as it used to be. He sees the silt deposits in his fields and notes the declining yields. He grows rice, cucumbers, coconuts and other vegetables. Several years ago, he took government advice and swapped his cow dung fertilizer and seeds developed by his ancestors for seeds and fertilizer sold to him yearly by a company called Birla. Birla is also a major mining company in India responsible for the extraction of bauxite in Andhra Pradesh. Anil is now wondering whether the seeds and fertilizer he is now depending on are actually increasing or lowering his productivity. He is looking into returning to "organic farming." His practices are fostering a dangerous dependence on the corporations that control all of Goa's resources. In short, mining companies, with the help of the state government, have been systematically evicting people from their land and destroying traditional "sustainable" agriculture in Goa by mining, by leaving silt deposits, by leaving water filled craters, by creating water shortages, and by selling seed and chemical fertilizers to the farmers.


Birla Group is now a multinational corporation from Calcutta primarily in mining, cement, and jute. EMIL, a closely held company of the AV Birla group, is engaged in three diverse businesses - mining of iron ore, manufacture of ferro alloys, and the manufacture of woven sacks catering primarily to the packaging needs of the fertilizer industry. The Birla group is also involved in the extraction of phosphates for the manufacture of fertilizers. Phosphorous is the main component of nitrogen-phosphorus-potassium fertilizers used on food crops throughout the world. In 1999, Birla Group of India and Office Cherifien des Phosphates in Morocco started a joint venture in mining phosphates in Morocco and Birla uses almost two thirds of the production in its fertilizer subsidiaries in India; now Birla must sell its fertilizers. So Birla, like other MNCs has yet another vested interest in mining forest lands for the extraction of minerals and in destroying traditional "sustainable" agriculture of villagers in India.