Questions that millions of common Indians ask Mr. Obama

Press release from National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM), Mumbai on the visit to India by USA President Barak Obama.

New Delhi, November 8 : ‘Change’ and ‘Hope’ were the two words which marked the election of Barack Obama as the President of United States of America. However, two years down the line, very little seems to have changed for the American citizens back home (as witnessed in the losses faced by Democrats in just concluded elections) and for millions across the world who are victims of the US economic, military and foreign policies.

US President Obama's on-going maiden India visit, accompanied by around 400 major US industrialists is about creating "50,000 jobs in USA" by writing up several agreements with India. Indian laws and practice permit the Union government to sign treaties and agreements with foreign countries without prior reference to Parliament, as already done with the India-US Nuclear deal and the Knowledge Initiative in Agriculture. Given the strongly pro-US stance of the UPA government, there are good chances that Obama will succeed. The Indian government is under the influence of big Indian industry in its approach and decisions, and this supports US policy of increasing trade and industrial links with India. US industry is sure to profit, giving Mr. Obama a much-needed political boost back home. And so would Indian big industry, giving Dr. Manmohan Singh a domestic boost when the UPA's flag flies at half-mast following CWG and other embarrassments.

It is in this backdrop that Mr. Obama’s visit to India must be seen more dispassionately and maturely, asking questions as to what his visit would mean for millions of ordinary Indians. It is unfortunate that the mainstream media, which is all too obsessed to portray his visit as the ‘most awaited thing for India’, hoping it will not only ‘strengthen our ties’, but will give a fillip to India’s place in the comity of nations in the 21st century fails to bring forth the deeper and real issues.

His announcements, in front of the US-India Business Council of a 10 billion dollar deal for GE and Boeing fueling the war machine of India and the destructive development might generate 50,000 jobs back home, but what about lakhs of livelihoods lost here in India? It is becoming clear that the ‘People’s President’ has no time for People. Business as usual for Businesses seems to be the prime motive.

If anything, Obama’s visit carries a hidden agenda, to further the profiteering interests of the US Corporations and it is clear that Washington is pushing its ties with New Delhi even narrowly than earlier in various sectors. It is undeniable that the President’s visit is overwhelmingly tilted towards the advantage of the American Corporations and the State.

The asymmetry of USA's insistence on corporate accountability in the recent Gulf of Mexico oil disaster with Obama's silence on corporate accountability in the Bhopal gas disaster of 25 years earlier is glaring. This can only be interpreted as successive Indian governments' agreeing to subordinate the economic interests of the vast majority of India's millions to the interests of corporate India, and its commitment to neo-liberal economic ideology.

We also feel that India’s increasing affinity with the ‘Global Big Brother’ is a cause of deep concern for all of who prioritize real democracy, equity and lasting peace in our relations with our neighbours. We warn of the need for a mature and realistic approach whether on the ‘war on terror’ globally or insurgency and Maoism internally, which must be guided by a people-centric decision making process in India and not pushed by US.

Today, the US has won over a large pool of ‘faithful’ foot soldiers in India ranging from bureaucrats, infocrats, technocrats to academics, economists, bio-technologists, nuclear scientists, political representatives, professionals, call center employees to even NGO’s and welfare organizations, who reinforce the subjugation, hegemony and greed of global capital, led by the US regime.

While Mr. Obama has called India an ‘indispensable ally’, he should also care to know what the indispensable priorities for the largest democracy in the world are. President Obama has a historic responsibility to undo historical injustices inflicted upon India and other developing nations by the imperialist policies of US and Corporations, and we call upon him to address these wrongs and inequities, while marking a pro-people shift in contemporary policies. For instance, at a time when the US itself is de-commissioning large dams and not pursuing nuclear projects domestically, should it not stop funding and supporting huge hydro-electric projects in India and elsewhere through various IFIs and other Corporations and respect the global opposition to nuclear energy.

President Obama has a mandate to change things, at least begin the process and if he wants to disprove the strengthening allegation that he is the soft face of the US corporate culture, this is the time. Otherwise, he will have to pay heavily for the ill-implications of letting corporations run loose, trampling people’s rights and interests. In sum, President Obama's India visit is unlikely to enhance peace, justice and democracy within India, regionally or worldwide.

Medha Patkar, Sandeep Pandey, Maj Gen (Retd) Sudhir Vombatkere, Roma, Gabriele Dietrich, Dayamani Barla, Sister Celia, Anand Mazgaonkar, Bhupendra Singh Rawat, Rajendra Ravi, and Madhuresh Kumar

for National Conveners Team

Contact : napmindia@napm-india.org | 9818905316

Review of local communities struggle against mining in Goa

Sebastian Rodrigues

Introduction

Mining industry in Goa is open cast with three major minerals: iron ore, manganese and to some extend bauxite. It has its beginning early twentieth century and exports of the ore began in 1948. The chief destination initially has been Japan. Gradually other European countries also entered as destination in later years. Towards the beginning of the twentieth century China surpassed everyone else as destination of Iron Ore. Protests against mining industry began during the decade of 1970s. They were repressed by the State police force. Renewed sophisticated protests swept Goa from 2007 onwards. Various organizations have played important role in politicizing the common people, and media. One of the distinctive features of these protests is the decentralized, autonomous multi-layered dissent by tribal groups and middle classes. The use of information technology to defuse State repression has been another key ingredient.

The Beginning

The mining activity in Goa starts during colonial era dominated by Portuguese political domination with the support of local caste and class elites. Portuguese steadily increased their hold on Goa after landing in Goa in 1510 on the invitation of local Brahmins wanting to overthrow muslim rule of Adil shah. This was done successfully. Muslim rule was replaced by Christian rule. Both the rules were of colonial nature. Portuguese went on increasing their hold over the Goa in the next few centuries. Goa has world’s longest colonial domination in terms of time. It ranged from 1510 to 1961. Portuguese was first direct European colonial powers in India and were the last ones to leave. Its basic concern remained in using Goa as a Port for trade strategy due to its appropriate location on the west coast of India. Spices were amongst the items that were mostly sort by the Portuguese and mining never crossed into their priorities till the early twentieth century when the German geologists were drafted in to undertake Goa’s mineral survey that confirmed the existence of mineral wealth in Goa. Over the next few decades, mining activity began with the manual digging of the earth – open cast mining. This technique of manual digging led to the export of 100 tones of iron ore to Japan in 1948. It went to Japan to contribute substantially towards the rebuilding of its war torn economy after US nuclear bombings on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945. Japan continued to be Goa’s stable destination for Iron ore and manganese trade till date. China boom is an additional burden on the Goa’s resources without replacing Japan.

This involved granting of mining leases by Portuguese colonial rulers. Nearly 891 mining leases were granted with patrimonial rights to the individuals and companies that supported perpetuation of colonial rule of Portuguese in Goa. Portuguese granted the mining leases from 1929 to 1959. Technically colonial government had granted concessions – tutelar de cocessao . However Indian government through legal intervention changed it into Leases that needs renewal periodically and removed patrimonial rights to the lease holders.

The total areas covered under these mining leases touches nearly 68,000 hectares of Goa’s land in a distance of 95 kilometers out of total 105 kilometers from north to south of Goa. The mining activity was manual in nature and could not inflict major damage to the ecology at the site of mining even though rivers transporting iron ore were damaged early in the loading and unloading operations. Manual mining could not go deeper than ground water table. Hence it can be called an ecologically sustainable mining practice even though economically it is exploitative practice as few families usurped almost all the economic gains. This could be sustained because these entities involved in mining trade were stable source of support to the Portuguese colonial administration. This kind of arrangement is so typical of any colonial regime. It was mining companies that were major source of strength for Portugal to master audacity to continue that colonial rule in Goa even after India’s Independence when British rule came to an end. The Portuguese earned major advantage in this till 1961 when the Indian army intervened to end the colonial era.

Goa’s mining trade is deeply entrenched in global geo-politics. Because Japan wanted the steady supply of raw materials value addition in the form of manufacture is strikingly absent in Goa. Centre-Periphery relationship characterizes the relationship between Goa and Japan in mining sector. Japan buys Goa’s ore, indulges in value addition and then markets the finished products all over the globe. It is against the interest of the destination countries to let Goa develop its own industry. Hence these powers has cultivated a tiny yet rich coterie of elites that has kept its firm control over polity and media in Goa to effectively check mate any voice of dissent to these exploitative and dominating arrangement of power. The 1961 transfer of power of rule over Goa from Portugal to India cam about only after Indian then Prime minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru assured the local mining elites in Goa that mines in Goa would not be nationalized even though contrary was the situation in rest of India. This concession granted to the mining companies in Goa was a major factor that led to neutralizing of NATO strikes on India after Indian army marched inside Goa’s International borders. Nehru made very lucrative exception to the miners in Goa and that made them continue their hegemonic position in the polity of Goa during post liberation period.

Around the decade of 1970s mining industry in Goa began the process of mechanization of mining sector. The rapid change in the excavation process led to dramatic changes in the character of the industry. Exploitation that was largely limited towards economic sphere found itself flowing into ecological sphere very rapidly.

The Pressures on Ecology

With the introduction and intensification of mining industry ecological threat became gradually visible. Location of mining leases in the villages depending upon forest, agriculture and nature water bodies gradually became the targets of this predatory industry. The paddy fields began to be directly affected in number of ways. All the ways however are negative. Quite often the location of paddy fields became the site for the mining activity and peasants lost control over the land directly. Sometimes mines were located at a close proximity of the paddy fields and waste discharges were released in paddy fields with no control from state authorities. Sometimes mine in the relatively close proximity would be causing the drying up of natural water bodies that include drying up of springs that would supply water to village wells and village paddy fields. Sometimes the varying combinations of all these factors would cause serious social and ecological insecurity in the village.

The village level perception of ecological threats when viewed in combination with various other villages and topography some new level of ecological threats becomes visible. The first factor that becomes clear that huge chuck of Goa’s land is under mining activities some mines are in operation other can become operational in future. There is something particularly disturbing that quickly comes to the fore is that besides paddy fields and water bodies large number of mines are directly located inside the ecologically sensitive areas of western ghats range of mountains known as one of the dozen bio-diversity hotspot of the planet earth. Doing mining activity here could very dramatically cause huge amount of loss to the global ecological wealth. The second factor has to do with the topography of the State of Goa. On the eastern past the mountains from western ghats, in the middle are fertile alluvial planes and towards the west is the coastline. These three ecological regions falls within various zones classified under water shed map of India and are sensitively intergraded. Mountains from the Ghats harvest sunlight as well as water from the rains. Naturally harvested water is what causes fresh water perennial water bodies like rivers, rivulets, streams to flow onto the plains and supply water for agriculture, dams, industry and myriad of other things. Plains are also the approximate sites wherein the fresh water and saline Arabian Sea water intersect and gives form ecotone region. Coast of Goa is largely reclaimed from the Arabian Sea by the ancestors of tribal settlers of Goa – the gawdas. Their ancestors worked on the geography of Goa over the centuries to reclaim the fertile lands. This fact has been too often sought to be covered up by invasive Brahmin tribe with their Parshuram Arrow myth reclaiming the coast of Goa. Currently this coast is covered with tourism destination centers of attractions. Tourism industry depends entire on the water from the hinterlands piped from various dams – Selaulim, Opa, Asanaora etc all of which are facing threat due to rapidly expanding mining industry in the hinterlands. The three regions of Goa closely related to each other and mining activity is perceived as causing major social and ecological threat to the state of Goa fearing that this industry may turn Goa into desert besides providing body blow to the fisheries industry due to polluting of rivers.

Threat to water, threat to forest, threat to agriculture, are some of he major ecological issues on the horizon in Goa. These are the issues that State government that is dominated by mining industry as well as mining industry itself sought to put under the carpet escape its liabilities for over half a century of mineral usury of Goa. It was done through various formal and informal structures of domination.

Mining industry’s structures of domination

One of the favored tools of the mining industry particularly when the protest began to show themselves resisting mining industry was the use of violence through state police force. Mining industry in Goa never cultivated their private mafia. State police force would do their job perhaps for some off the record considerations. The first known protests against mining industry came about in later half of the decade of 1970s when the two villages in Goa’s northern taluka of Bicholim revolted – Mayem and Sirgao. Bicholim taluka has mines of number of mining companies – Dempos, Chowgules, Bandekars, Sesa Goa etc. Those who were involved in rebellion were arrested by Goa Police. Mere arrest that time was sufficient enough to demoralize the peasants. They did not know any way of surpassing police repression and suspended their agitation. Few villages peasants were offered money to suspend the rebellion. The decade of 1970s went about with these kinds sporadic protests with no co-ordination of politics of one village with another. No serious search for surmounting police siding with mining companies. These protests were exclusively were of the people directly affected by mining – particularly their paddy fields. Protests during this time evaporated yet the thought of havoc that mining ir ravaging their villages and need to do something remained in a latent yet simmering state only to resurface in the first decade of the twenty-first century. So the first mechanism of domination has been the use of police force.

The second favored structure of domination of mining industry has been the control of media. Mining industry with a remarkable foresight set up their newspapers. Dempos set up Navhind Times in English and Navaprabha in Marathi. Chowgules started Gomantak in Marathi and later Gomantak times in English. Salgaoncar started monthly magazine ‘Goa Today’ and later Konkani daily ‘Sunaprant’. These papers saw to that public attention never gets focused on the ecological crimes that their owners were indulging in. The remaining papers – Tarun Bharat, Rastramat in Marathi and Herald in English too did not carry any consistent exposition of mining industry’s ill doings even though their owners were not mining companies. Press in Goa suffered from three major defects – censorship by owners, self-censorship, and fear of the mining industry that was all pervasive in society. Overall it served as an effective structure of domination for mining industry till 2008 when media began to become increasingly vigilant, aware and ownership of few newspapers shifted away from mining industry, entry of Times of India in English, Lokmat, Pudhari and other publications in Marathi, and effective use of internet by activists in Goa to overcome limits posed by mainstream media.

The third favored structure of structure of domination of the mining industry has been the donations to the village temples. This is an informal form of structures that worked wonders for the mining industry. Paltry sum of donation to demolish and reconstruct the village temples would see that the village never comes to pursue the path of rebellion against mining industry. Psychology of the villagers is such that that they remain indebted to the donor for a long time. This phenomena is rampant is all over Goa and effectively exploited by mining companies. It is not uncommon to witness scenes of posh temples in mining ravaged villages. Religion has been hijacked by mining industries and people in various areas have not been able to put a brake on this trend. It continues to serve the mining companies. Related aspect here is periodic payments made as compensation for the destruction of agricultural fields. However of late number of people have refused to subscribe to the ideology of compensation.

The fourth strong structure of domination has been the hold over educational institutions. Mining companies set up graduate colleges – Dempos - and law college - Salgaoncar to make their presence felt in ideological spectrum of the society. Mining companies has also instituted fellowships for senior researchers. Dempos is one such example. Mining companies and their caste alliances are also involved in writing their history. One of the favored aspects of process is to establish hegemonic hold over Goa, particularly its tribes. It is project of conquest through ideological apparatus to further the agenda of domination not just of the mining industry but over the entire society through thought control measures. Mining companies also has significant influence over the senate of Goa University and its policies. It is because of this influence Goa University was stopped from granting central University status. It is because of this that Goa University has not set up centre for the study for centre of study of tribes in Goa. It is because of this that fees of Goa University are constantly hiked in order to keep the students away from access to higher education. To a large extend mining companies are successful in this venture. It is against the interest of the mining that higher education becomes widespread as the ignited minds will be difficult to curtail in their path if chosen to direct against the mining industry and their caste, class alliances that form coteries and select vice-chancellors.

The fifth strong structure of domination is NGO sector. Mining industry, after facing severe criticism from TERI report in 1997 set up its combine NGO – The Goa Mineral Foundation in 2000. It is working as buffer of public criticism on mining industry. It is involved in whole range of activities from dance classes, distributing notebooks for students, building of toilets, building of bus sheds, sending people for vocational training, watershed programs in one village etc. It has got full time staff that engages in all kinds’ activities except in criticizing mining industry. The funds for this are shared between various mining companies Sesa Goa being one of the prominent one. However it is important to observe here that this NGO of mining company has come as response to the protests against mining and to earn credits for the corporate social responsibility. Government of India in a draft mineral policy has cited this NGO as one of the examples to be replicated by the mining industry in India. On ground in Goa however it has not at all succeeded in diverting attention from core damage caused by mining industry. Nevertheless it is a structure of domination sought to be made effective by mining industry but has not succeeded.

The sixth strong structure of domination by mining industry is use and abuse of judiciary in Goa. After the intense protests this is a phenomenon that has come about providing some succor to the mining industry. Police cases are registered on number false pretexts’, people then are arrested, forced to take bail and then after some months charge-sheeted and cases gets listed in the courts. Then people are served notices at home by court bailiffs and asked to appear in the court on a particular date. After appearing in the court the next date is given for appearance. Judiciary’s role in mining belt of Goa has been largely to frustrate the protesting people. Mining companies aim exactly that. Currently there are over 300 cases in various courts of Goa against various people protesting mining industry’s onslaughts. The state government has the power to withdraw these cases but since the mining companies are using the State government as their executive committee these cases are carrying on. Goa Chief minister Digambar Kamat holds a portfolio of mining minister for over past 15 years and shares personal interest in the continuation of mining industry. He has a family ties with mining companies. In this scenario Judiciary has been used to further the agenda of the mining companies. Judiciary was also used to silence the vocal critic of the mining industry – the author of this paper – by Fomentos by filing civil defamation suit of Rs.500 crores in Calcutta High Court, Kolkatta for his online writings on blog belonging to Gawda, Kunbi, Velip and Dhangar Federation (GAKUVED). Mining companies are using Judiciary as the very reliable structure of domination.

Seventh strong structure of domination of mining industry is EIA[1] and Public Hearings. These are paid for by mining companies are thoroughly rigged in almost all the cases in numerous manner. EIA studies are tailored not to the objective reality on ground but to suit the interest of the mining companies. This is because it is the mining companies that are financing the EIA studies. On the day of mandatory hearings there is manipulation in terms of venue – very often it is held in minister’s cabin in a far away place from the mining site. MoEF is guilty of ignoring public opposition to mining projects all over Goa and sanctioned environmental clearances there by establishing colonial relationship between the Central government and people of Goa.

Protest agitations against mining Industry

It was 1^st April 2001 that the author got agitated on the issue of open cast iron ore mine in Goa. It was at one august gathering of environment lovers in Old Goa that one youth –Vassudev Porob- from Pissurlem village of Sattari taluka got up to intervene in the discussion on Mhadei river diversion by Karnataka Government thereby depriving Goa of water flow. Vassudev Porob sharply focused on his water rich village yet not a single drop existed in village wells due to continuous pumping out of water by mining companies thereby depleting ground water. Hence agriculture was not getting water; cultivation of paddy was becoming impossible.

He barely finished speaking for couple of minutes when a scientist and former director of National Institute of Oceanography Dr. Untawale sprang up from his chair to scold Vassudev for speaking against mining in public “You must never discuss mining in public”. The author challenged Dr. Untawale and declare that not only should all speak loud against mining industry in Goa but also invited everyone at the meeting to a sit –in or Dharna outside the office of mining company in Goa’s capital city of Panjim.

After this it was huge learning experience, very often understanding through roving of boat backwards in time to know what to expect in future that spread vast open before ones mind. Every month one visit to Pissurlem became discipline for the next three years. Learning was not easy. Every visit would contribute towards weakening of chest that was already weak with tuberculosis as first 14 years has been in mining area. Memories of childhood and playing with dust were constant companion on every time author would visit Pissurlem. It downed on author that while family was rotting in dust from 1973 to 1987 - till the family left the place as sickness hounded, and dust made life impossible – there was none to raise the voice and protest. Some how survived the ordeals of childhood and early youth to speak out today.

Agitations in Goa’s minng belt has been spurred for various reasons. In Pissurlem it was because of refusal of additional bucket of water that a villager Pandurang Porob was attacked by Chopper and causing injuries to his legs. Pissurlem is totally at the mercy of mining companies to supply them with water after village wells, springs, natural tanks, and ponds are rendered dry by unsustainable open cast iron and manganese mining carried on by at least 5 mining companies.

Another villager Hanumant Porob was arrested and imprisoned for protesting against mining silt in the village agricultural fields that once prided itself being highest yield giver in the Sattari taluka. Mining companies have not yielded to the demands of the Pissurlem villagers are compelled to get into mining trucks business themselves. There cannot be any greater tragedy than this one unfolding in Pissurlem.

Colamb village in Sanguem taluka is blessed with people who refused to barter their land for money offered by mining companies. As a result there has been number of protests against the mining companies. Number of times Police force is pitted against them and arrests are effected. There are at least half a dozen charge sheets filed against Colamb villagers in various combinations and they now has to regularly report themselves to the Courts in Quepem and Sanguem towns. People from various other parts of Goa – including those from Goa Bachao Abhiyan (GBA), Ganv Ghor Rakhan Manch (GGRM), and Nature, Environment, Society and Transformations (NEST) has also regularly visited and offered solidarity to the Colamb villagers. Gawda, Kunbi, Velip and Dhangar Federation (GAKUVED) played important role to support Colamb villagers from 2007 till date and helped to make it State level issue through the morcha it organized on December 10, 2007 Human Rights Day in Quepem. Brother Philip Neri de Souza has played very crucial role in Colamb resistance from 2001 upto 2007. Colamb villagers due to their resolute decision to oppose mining were even threatened with ‘Tadi par’ by then Police Inspector at Quepem Police Station Santosh Desai. ‘Tadi par’ sentence is meant to prohibit the villagers from entering into the administrative jurisdictions of South Goa.

On one occasion nearly ten people from Colamb protesting against mining were arrested, criminally charged and photographed at Quepem Police Station with slates around their necks. This is a practice used on hard core criminals. Industry-Police nexus in this manner sort to de-legitimize and criminalize the protests against mining industry in Goa.

Uncompromising stand of Colamb villagers against mining industry attracted higher level of collusion between Fomento mining company and the Leader of the Opposition Manohar Parrikar and in June 2008 People of Colamb along with author of this article was tagged as Naxalite in the Goa assembly. This however instead of daunting the spirit of the protest of the Colamb villagers further widened across the State of Goa. The jam packed meeting on 23 June 2008 at T.B.Cunha hall, Panjim will be remembered in the books of history as creating a wave of second liberation of Goa from the mining industry.

After this attempt of the mining industry was foiled Fomento filed defamation suit against the author of this article for Rs 500 crore in Calcutta High Court stating that the company is has suffered losses in business after some customers read the blog www.mandgoa.blogspot.com and terminated their contracts to buy ore from Fomentos. This scare tactic again failed as the rising public opinion against mining industry further popularized the online writings of this author.

Dora de Souza, a woman aged 80 plus chained herself to the mine operated by Dinar Tarcar in Maina, Quepem in October 2009. She along with 7 others were arrested – four were beaten up by mining company’s goons led by Subhas Phaldesai, then Balli South Goa Zilla Parishad member- criminal cases filed and imprisoned for two days.

Motes Antao from Colamb has been arrested number of times. One month ago he was arrested by Goa Police stationed at Quepem Police Station because he filed application under Right to Information Act 2005 asking the detail information on assets held mining trucks owned by police officials including PI Santos Desai who is currently posted at Margao Police Station. Motes was called at the police station under the pretext of collecting information sought under RTI and detained over some case the Fomento mines manager in Colamb had filed against him ten months earlier.

Lawyer John Fernandes was charged for attempt to murder during a lathi charge on villagers of Ambaulim, Quepem in December 2008. Several people were injured during the lathi charge on villagers that were protesting against dust pollution caused in their village by mining trucks. Several people were arrested and criminally charged. PI Santosh Desai led the Lathi charge on protestors. Advocate Fernandes was again physically abused by the agents of the mining companies in 2010. It here that public organized around Adv. Fernandes and staged one day hunger strike in front of Quepem police station forcing the police authorizes to criminally book the assaulters.

Determination of Colamb villagers infused courage to number of other villagers affected by mining industry. Advalpal in Bicholim revolted in May 2008 in spite of earlier compromises with the mining companies. Over 70 people were arrested and criminally charged. Akash Naik, a nine-year-old school boy supported by Goa Foundation in September 2009 got a stay order from Goa bench of Bombay High Court against marauding Sesa Goa mine owned by British corporate Vedanta listed on London stock exchange. The litigation is currently going on in the Court.

Sirgao villagers in Bicholim taluka revolted against this 40 year old industry in village and filed Public Interest Litigation in Goa bench of Bombay High Court. High Court appointed Nagpur based National Environmental Engineering Institute (NEERI) to conduct a scientific study. NEERI report submitted to the Court stated that agriculture and water bodies are negatively affected by three open cast mines operating in Sirgao village. NEERI in another case in the Goa Bench of Bombay High Court submitted a report that June 2009 floods in Advalpal was caused due to mining activities in the village. The case is currently on.

Wide spread nature of protests against mining has led to the emergence of coalition of mining affected villages in August 2008. It is known as Goa Federation of Mines Affected People (GOAMAP). GOAMAP has raised the issue of mining destroying Goa’s ecology and livelihoods at number of forum. On September 22, it raised the issue with banks financing Vedanta mining company at a meeting organized by Bank Track from Netherlands and Urgewald from Germany held at Amnesty International Headquarters in London.

Large number of People across the board has lent their voice and support the movement to defend Goa from being swallowed by mining industry. They are artists, teachers, writers, professionals, People in Media they have done it in the way of their own. Few deserve special mention Kurush Canteenwala who was prison colleague of this author at Margao Judicial Custody in October 2008 has made a video documentary on Goa’s mining struggles titled – ‘Goa Goa Gone’. We both were assaulted in Maina while filming protests led by 82 year old Dora de Souza accompanied by her daughter Cheryl de Souza Sanfransisco and other supporters including Fr. Mathias D’Cunha. Police force led by PI Santos Desai colluded with the mining company goons and merely watch protestors being beaten up. He then arrested and criminally charged the protestors and did nothing of those who were involved in the attack though he was a personal witness. Present on the occasion Kurush made an impressive documentary “Goa Goa Gone”and 30th October 2009 it won national award for best Environmental documentary at Vatavaran Film Festival organized by Centre for Media Studies in Delhi. It is Indian Nation lending its voice to rising wave of voices against mining industry in Goa. This documentary was used to create awareness of public in Goa since the time of its release and later further up gradation.

Ramesh Gauns, a teacher from Bicholim has successfully blocked commissioning of Zantye’s iron Ore mine at a village where he has been teaching for the past over two decades – Sarvona in Bicholim taluka. He used agitation modes as well as judiciary to his advantage. Particularly important is the use of Right to Information Act 2005 to get hold of key documents of the mining industry.

Claude Alvares and Norma Alvares have rendered huge service to the State of Goa. This Alvares couple has several occasions successfully used judiciary against mining industry. Latest has been thwarting attempts by mining industry to mine Goa’s Wildlife Sanctuaries. There other cases such as on dust pollution that is aided by Goa Foundation in litigation stage.

Sangamitra Mainkar, Prabhakar Dhage, Carmen Miranda, Wendell Rodricks, Maria Aurora Couto, Venita Coelho, Hartman de Souza, Advocate Ritwick Dutta are other notable people that has lent their valued loud voices to the protests against mining in Goa. Trade Unionist Christopher Fonseca of AITUC in Television interview in June 2009 referred to the protest movements against mining as “Prophetic Voices and Goa is lucky to have them.” CITU workers union has also initiated dialogue with the people protesting against mining in Goa. Overall there is growing consensus that in the long term interest of Goa mining industry in Goa has to be shut down. Voice of protest against mining industry can be heard from Colamb to Sirgao, Nuem-Khola to Advalpal, and Bicholim to Usgao. This is a beginning of change in power relations and power structure in the State of Goa. Goenchea xetkaracho Ekvot (GXE) got into working alliance with Goa Federation of Mines Affected People (GOAMAP) in January 2010 and since have been working in coordination with each other. One of the fruits of this collaboration has been bus trips to Goa’s mining belt that took people on tour to mining areas from April to June 2010 on every Sunday. This helped to further broadening the contours of ecology movement in Goa by letting first hand exposure to people from various walks of lives who otherwise seldom visit mining areas, to see the mining reality of Goa.

In February 2010 Union Minister of Environment and Forest put a moratorium for any further mining in Goa till comprehensive cumulative EIA is undertaken some agency like NEERI, Nagpur. This has been perceived as a direct result of the campaign against the mining industry in Goa and the ability it has acquired to influence policy maker s of the country.

Delhi High Court has truck down nearly three environmental clearances given by the Ministry of Environment and Forest (MoEF) largely due to the effective coordination between the protestors in Goa and lawyers in Delhi. Appellate authority too has struck of Pirla mine in south Goa after sending its judge on site visit to Goa.

MoEF through its regional office based in Bangalore has initiated direct discussions on mining with the protestors, government officials, and the mining companies in 2010. First round of discussion took place in February and the second round in May. This if nothing has bestowed certain amount of official legitimacy by official agencies. It is called a round table on sustainable mining, the first of its kind in India. Although there is hardly any possibility of sustainable mining it is looked upon as a very important occasion to further that agenda of the protest movement that has found base in middle classes of Goa and people of Goa settled abroad.

Media in Goa took a u-turn on mining from 2008 onwards and there is increased coverage for mining issues in Goa. This was possible largely by lobbying of activists with media and dramatic naming of blog[2] dealing with mining and tribal issues in Goa as promoter of naxalite ideology in Goa Assembly by the leader of opposition Manohar Parrikar. Media attention to mining issues since then has never waned away. The use of internet played two important roles. First to make the issue of mining internationally know and get people from all over the world interested in mining issue. There was an advantage particularly Goa being well known tourism destination. Predictable it attracted outstation media and researchers to cover mining issues in Goa. Secondly, it bestowed freedom from censorship by vested interests that act as gatekeepers of information. Even though things remained less in terms of its reach, blog served as reference point for important resources on mining and land movements in Goa. Internet came particularly handy while dealing with police repression on villagers in various parts of the State in demanding their release. Messages were sent on mailing lists particularly on Goanet that has subscription of over 30,000 people across the globe. Publishing of photos of environmental destruction caused due to mining companies online and companies involved named. This led to increasing discomfort of mining companies with the protestors and increasing public support for the bold online exposures. The fear of mining industry that lasted in Goa for half a decade began to evaporate gradually from the 2007 onwards when GAKUVED marched on the streets of Quepem on 10 December 2010. Within next few days couple of mines were attacked by the villagers and forced to shut down.

There is also wide ranging on ground collaboration with various activists formations dealing with wide range of issue towards evolving a strategy of coordination of politics between the coast and the hinterland. This has helped in filling up loose ends providing necessary input to tackle wide range of challenges.

Conclusion

Protest against mining in Goa is modeled on decentralized, absence of any single command structure. Multiple critical agencies are working against mining to suit their priorities without any kind of coercion on any one. People that are involved are because they are convinced about the issues involved. Each group formations retain their own autonomy in decision making. NGOs, grassroots groups, support groups, teachers, intellectuals, media are playing their own role after self realization. Anti-mining movement has acquired necessary potency to attract newer people into its fold and sustain those already involved with new challenges. Amongst the new challenges before the ecology movements in Goa is to devise strategies formulate concepts that would facilitate transformation of the current upheaval into political power that would rise up from below and penetrate effectively in the process of governance. This needs to be achieved by defining and re-defining the relationships with political parties and understanding system of governance in place. If the movements in Goa are able to make headway in this direction then it would certainly be new leap for movement, new leap for Goa.

Note: This paper is presented at the consultation on ‘optimizing biodiversity and social security in mining areas: an earthy vision’ organized by Balipara Tract and Frontier Foundation, supported by Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS), International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) and Development Alvernatives in Pune on 30^th September 2010.

---

[1] Environment Impact Assessment

[2] www.mandgoa.blogspot.com

Has India traded away livelihoods, health and environmental safeguards in secret negotiations with Japan?

15 September 2010, New Delhi - A Ministry of Commerce and Industry delegation in Tokyo last week has agreed “in-principle” to a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) with Japan. The CEPA will formally be signed by the Prime Minister next month during his visit to Tokyo. Public interest groups have feared the secret signing of this bilateral agreement that has ramifications across several sectors in India. Negotiations on this CEPA started in 2007.

“We have repeatedly asked the Indian Government to hold consultations on India’s negotiating position and the negotiating text but the government has refused to do so,” said Kavaljit Singh of Madhyam. India is said to be negotiating several such agreements also known as Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) including one with the European Union (EU).

CEPAs, like the one proposed between India and Japan are preferred trade arrangements between two countries. These types of FTAs require the Indian government to make commitments far in excess of those it has already signed up to at the World Trade Organisation (WTO). Their impact across financial, banking, agricultural, industrial sectors apart from health and environmental concerns have underscored the long standing demands of public interest groups and State Governments for access to these texts being negotiated by India's Ministry of Commerce and Industry.

“Our RTI Act obligates the Indian Government to publish all relevant facts while formulating important policies or announcing decisions which affect the public,“ said Venkatesh Nayak of Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative. “Instead of public consultations and debates on this agreement, we have got more information from the websites of the Japanese government than our own.”

The secrecy around the negotiations has prevented any substantive analysis of the impact of the provisions of this FTA not only on various sectors but also on the livelihoods, health and environmental safety and security of Indians. However, the experience of other Asian countries in such agreements with Japan shows that farmers, fisher folk and mass movements opposing "free trade" have good reason to worry.

A major stumbling block for the negotiations was reportedly Japan’s demands for intellectual property protection beyond the TRIPS Agreement. With their demands for plant variety – protection, this was of concern not only for access to medicines but also for livelihoods of farmers and the ownership of seeds. Although reports indicate the Indian government has not given in to these demands, groups fear this may still not address their concerns. “We expect the Indian government to deal with high prices of patented medicines not only through compulsory licences but also price control and regulation. However, we fear that the government may have tied its hands in taking such measures by signing on to an investment chapter like those contained in other Japanese trade agreements,” said Vikas Ahuja of the Delhi Network of Positive People (DNP+).

The investment chapter in this CEPA reportedly contains provisions allowing Japanese investors to challenge Indian government actions that may negatively impact their investments in India. While health groups fear a Japanese company may challenge a compulsory licence or drug price control as measures affecting their investments, democratic rights groups point to the cases of Vedanta and Posco where the impact on local environment and traditional livelihoods are being highlighted in opposing these investments by foreign companies. Investment provisions should not dilute the ability of the government to take action in such cases.

With this agreement, Japanese investors in India could be accorded the same rights as Indian investors in economic sectors where they are allowed. In the area of “fisheries”, for instance, current policy requires foreign fishing fleets to collaborate with Indian companies. The India-Japan CEPA could lift these restrictions on foreign fleets fishing in Indian waters for Japanese operators. “Japanese fleets have much better facilities than our fishworkers. If they are allowed to come into the Indian waters, they will catch our fish and even be able to sell it back into our own market duty free. This will affect the livelihoods of fishers, but also fish vendors and fish traders in India,” said T. Peter of the National Fishworkers Forum. Japan is also not known for “sustainable” fishing or whaling practices, thus placing the fragile marine eco-system at risk as well.

Investment provisions could also impact the agriculture sector with many big Japanese companies, like Sakata which sells seeds and Kubota, which sells agricultural machinery operating in India. “Such provisions could give priority access over land and water to corporations, thereby creating a crisis for local farming and pastoral communities. Farmers’ freedoms and food sovereignty would be further threatened if the investment rules also obligate the Indian government to protect plant varieties and patents on seeds as the ‘assets’ of Japanese firms,” said Shalini Bhutani of GRAIN.

Japan’s interest in the export of hazardous waste across the Asian continent, as evidenced by its FTAs with other Asian countries is also a cause for grave concern. These agreements not only classify 'waste' like any 'commodity' but also encourage its import through a reducing tariff. “If applied as is, it will open a floodgate of waste dumping into India, besides encouraging the shifting of global waste recycling operations here, which leave all the toxics behind. Alongside it also creates a disincentive for legislating stricter national environmental waste import laws in the future. High consumption countries like Japan, are keen to get rid of their waste overseas, since they have almost no land for waste disposal. We seem to be senselessly willing to bear the toxic legacy of their consumption,” said Ravi Agarwal of Toxics Link.

Across the Asia-Pacific region, trade agreements with Japan have seen widespread protests in Malaysia, Philippines and Thailand. In fact the Japan-Philippines Economic Partnership Agreement has been challenged in the Supreme Court of Philippines. The widespread protests in these countries to the dangers of toxic waste coming from Japan through these Agreements has led to formal notes from the Japanese government to the Thai and Philippines governments guaranteeing that such waste would not be exported through the trade agreement.

The Indian Government, it appears has asked for no such guarantees.

For more information and interviews, contact:

Pallavi, Center for Education and Communication : +91-98103 93391

EIAs, Public Hearings structurally defective

Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) as well as Rapid Environment Impact Assessment (REIA) conducted by all the mining companies are defective ab initio. Firstly they are paid by the mining companies and private firms are employed to do these studies. So from the beginning itself comes the interest of mining industry. Study then gets tailored accordingly. It is packed up with false information. If it is not detected by public then it goes off as truth. Based on these reports Public Hearings under Environment Protection Act are conducted. To conduct these Public Hearings Goa State Pollution Control Board is paid Rs.5 lakh for each of the public hearings. Pollution control board then becomes the servant of the mining companies and feels it is obligatory to toe the line of the mining companies. There is plenty of evidence floating around in Goa for this. In fact each of the EIA and REIA reports is unchallengeable evidence.

The entire edifice of EIA and Public Hearings are corroded and defective. It provides undue advantage and legitimizes manipulation and distortion of information. Ecology suffers with this. Local communities suffer with this. Only mining companies and few their dependents gets high in this whole process. The planet earth gets wounded every day and demands stops to all this nonsense.

Sebastian Rodrigues

Another Nandigram?

The power plants coming up along the Konkan coast threaten to turn the region into a wasteland, reports PRERNA SINGH BINDRA in Tehelka Magazine, November 15, 2009...

Click below links for this story:

http://www.tehelka.com/story_main43.asp?filename=Ne211109another_nandigram.asp

It will be proved that the killed animal was a tiger: Kerkar

Villgers of Keri-Sattari want to maul him for throwing light on an issue, which was dead months ago. Rajendra Kerkar, environmentalist and founder of Vivekananda Environmental Awareness Brigade, who exposed the alleged killing of a tiger in the village says he won’t buckle under pressure and would not stop his mission and that he would continue to take up issues affecting the environment including the proposed Charvanem dam.

VITHALDAS HEGDE gets an insight into the ‘Green’ man.

GT: Why is that you have been at the receiving end ever since you exposed the alleged killing of a tiger at Keri-Sattari?
Rajendra Kerkar (RK): It all started after a tiger was killed on a hillock at Keri. The tiger was killed somewhere in February and I came to know about it only a fortnight ago. The son of the main suspect had stored the photograph of the slain tiger on his computer and sent photo messages to his friends on cell phones.

Our volunteers of Vivekananda Environment Awareness Brigade also got his photo message and I immediately informed the Chief Conservator of Forest (CCF) Shashi Kumar. When the incident was reported in newspapers it created ripples in the village. The officials of the forest department rushed to Keri and started investigations even as there were political pressures to hush up the case.

VH: Was tiger really killed in the village?
RK: Yes. Our volunteers saw the carcass lying on the hillock after animal was shot dead. Once the news of forest officials visiting the village spread, the suspects immediately buried the carcass.

The animal was killed after it got entangled in a trap laid by the poachers to nab wild animals. Entangled, the tiger which must have come in search of its prey, started frantically running to the village making rattling noise much to the fear of the villagers.

The forest department officials first quizzed me and told them to try and locate the carcass. They later nabbed five suspects and during the course of investigations they broke down and showed them the place where the carcass was buried.

Forest officials found tiger bones and collected specimen of other parts like jaws, teeth, fur and bones from the site and sent it to Wildlife Institute of India, Dehradun for forensic test.

VH: But the forensic report indicates that the teeth and blood samples do not belong to a tiger. Comment
RK: It is a preliminary report sent by the Wildlife Institute of India, which states that the teeth and blood samples found on leaves do not match with the tiger. The forest officials had sent 10 to 12 samples of the tiger remnants to the Wildlife Institute of India for forensic test. I am hopeful that the report of forensic test of other parts, which are yet to be received, would prove that they belong to that of tiger.

The Chief Conservator of Forests has also said that it is a preliminary report and and full-fledged report is awaited.

VH: Are you optimistic about the pending report?
RK: yes. I am very much hopeful that the reports of other samples would prove that the killed animal was a tiger. For me there is no issue of the parts of the animal found there, what is more important is that a national animal – tiger was killed in the village. Unfortunately, there are some forest officials (having vested interests) who do not believe that tigers exist in the Mhadei Wildlife Sanctuary. This is mainly because the tiger sightings would come under the Project Tiger launched by the Government of India and headed by the Prime Minister.

They are not working in the interest of Wildlife.

VH: What is your future plan of action in combating the poaching of animals in wildlife areas?
RK: The rampant poaching incidents have become a major concern for us and they try to ruin other species. There is presence of a tiger, a tigress and a cub in wildlife area and they should be protected.

The forest department should take stringent steps to curb the poaching of herbivorous animals and curtail deforestation activities. The government launched the Social Forestry project in a most unscientific manner and without understanding the topography of the area and floral density. They planted exotic species like acacia in the wildlife area when it was not required.

The government should also increase the staff of the forest department, provide mobile squad to deal with wildlife cases and conduct awareness on environment education.

VH: How would you react to the decision of some of the villagers denouncing you for taking up the tiger killing issue?
RK: In a democracy everybody has a right to make his point. But they are raising baseless arguments without having proper knowledge. I won’t be deterred by their decisions. We have dedicated and devoted volunteers in the Vivekananda Environment Awareness Brigade who are working for the environment cause. I will not stop my mission and would continue to take up issues affecting the environment including the proposed Charvanem dam, which has been stopped now.


Gomantak Times, September 21, 2009, Panaji.

Green signal perils

By Kanchi Kohli and Manju Menon in Hindustan Times on March 04, 2009

Since 1994, the Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) notification has put into place an environment clearance process for a range of development and industrial projects listed in its schedule. This process requires, amongst other things, the preparation of an EIA report and public consultation. This process has, over the years, been reduced to administrative formalities, to say the least. The hurried pace of clearances, shoddy EIAs, rigged public consultation and appraisal procedures have been facilitated by unabated dilutions of the law itself.

If the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) has its way again, then any industry seeking to modernise or expand its operations can self-certify that its plans will not lead to an increase in the pollution load, and escape the regulatory net. This is one of the most critical amendments proposed on January 19, 2009, to an already butchered environment clearance framework. This self-certification option ignores a persistent problem: that of ensuring projects’ compliance with environmental clearance conditions. There are many examples of industrial units being allowed to expand despite a poor environmental record, even with existing levels of the MoEF’s monitoring. So this new and complete exemption will be the highest form of legally sanctioned environmental injustice.

Activities like dredging and dumping of material within port limits are to be exempted from public consultations. Such activities affect coastal and marine ecosystems and livelihoods in irreversible ways. This exemption is a continuation of the withholding of critical environmental information. Over the years, the Ministry’s response has, in a myriad ways, ridiculed and limited the scope of the public hearing through a series of exemptions and dilutions. This proposed amendment is no exception.

Industrial areas below 500 hectares which do not host the activities identified in the notification schedule are proposed to be exempted. A change in land use of 500 hectares, due to any activity, anywhere, will result in a host of environmental and social impacts — access will be curtailed, livelihoods will be lost and existing forms of biodiversity will have to make way for the change. We may lose farms, beaches, forest, wetlands, pastures or just open spaces.

Real estate development projects continue to have it easy. The 2006 notification had exempted them from almost the entire regulatory process. Now, the proposed amendments have widened the scope of exemptions to them, based on size. Projects less than 50,000 square metres or with a built-up area of less than 100 hectares will not need to procure a clearance after assessing environmental impacts. Keeping such land use change proposals out of the regulatory framework means that we don’t even want to know what we might lose or what impact such changes might have. It does not, as the Ministry would like us to think, mean that these changes in land use are without any impact. This proposal reflects the basic rot in the MoEF’s ways of thinking, where impacts are assessed only through the use of environmental expertise based on pollution standards.

Another proposal seeks to dispense with the stages of scoping and drafting of the terms of reference for the EIA reports of ‘B’ category projects for a period of three years. This is to ensure that projects aren’t held up due to the administrative workload of the bureaucracy. Speedy clearances, which were the order of the 2006 amendments, continue to rule.
Interestingly, discussions between the PMO (holding charge of the MoEF) and the Ministry have been on since 2007. Despite the Right to Information Act, which requires all policy formulation to involve the people, this draft notification was posted on the Ministry’s website only at the fag end, when any suggestions for fundamental change will not be entertained.

(Kanchi Kohli and Manju Menon are members of Kalpavriksh Environmental Action Group)

Nilesh Naik - Goa's first green martyr remembered

Nilesh Naik was gunned down by Goa Police on 23rd January 1995. He sacrificed his life in chasing out American Corporate DuPont's Nylon 6,6 wanting to get established on Ponda taluka's Keri Village's Bhutkamb Plateau. Nilesh was 3 months short of his 25th Birthday when he bravely took police bullets on his chest. The above picture is memorial in his honour at Bhutkamb, Keri.

Two elderly women - one of them is a mother of Rekha Gawde that was also shot and injured in the same police firing - offering floral tribute to Nilesh Naik on January 23, 2009. The other woman is Gunavati Gawde.

Convener of SEZ Virodhi Manch Charles Fernandes addressing the meeting on the occasion.

Keri Panchayat member spoke at the memorial service.

Swati Kerker from Keri paid rich tributes to Nilesh Naik.

Ramesh Gauns asked people from Keri to be in the forefront of movements in Goa today. He said sacrifice of Nilesh Naik will no be in vain and he will continue to be inspiration force for the future struggles in Goa.

One minute silence was kept to pay homage to the sacrifice of Nilesh Naik.

Ramkirishna Jalmi and GOAMAP Convener Sebastian Rodrigues also shared their views on the occasion.

Sebastian Rodrigues

Goa's Geographical Cross-Sections

Goa's Geography is uniquely shaped. To the east are majestic Sahydrian Watershed, in the middle are Plateaus, at the Coast are Flood Plains/Alluvial Flats and to the Exterem West is Arabian Sea. Water from Sahyaris Watershed are major source of water to the entire state of Goa. Mining leases are concentrated in Plateau region thereby causing major disruption of the water flow. (Diagram sourced from the book "Fish Curry and Rice" published by Goa Foundation, Mapusa.)

National Mineral Policy spells doom for Labour, Environment and Adivasis

By Shelley Saha-Sinha

India's new mineral policy is long on ways to maximise the benefits of mining for "the economy" but short on measures to alleviate the social and environmental destruction that mining activity inevitably brings in its wake India is rich in mineral resources but most of these minerals are to be found in remote forested areas and the watersheds of major rivers, areas that are largely inhabited by tribal peoples or adivasis.

According to the union ministry of mines, the country ranks first inthe world in the production of mica blocks and splitting, third inchromites, lignite, coal and barytes, fourth in iron ore and sixth inbauxite and manganese ore. This mineral wealth and its exploitation have substantially contributed to the growth of the national economy.The gross value of mineral production in India in 1995 was estimatedto be approximately Rs 270,000 million, up from about Rs1,800 millionin 1961. Mineral resources contributed 2% to the country's GDP andconstituted 20% of its exports in 2001.

Since 1991, when the economy was liberalised, private companies have begun to play an important role in the mining sector. The government thus felt the need for a new mineral policy, and in April 2008, theUnited Progressive Alliance government released the new National Mineral Policy (for non-coal and non-fuel minerals).

Salient features of the National Mineral Policy (NMP) 2008

The document emphasises at the outset the abundance of mineral resources in the country and the need for scientific prospecting, state-of the-art technology and economic utilisation (2.1).
Its focus is on improving the regulatory environment to "make it more conducive to investment and technology flows" (2.2).

The policy makers are also aware that mining has social and environmental impacts, so they suggest "a framework for sustainabledevelopment" and protection of the interests of the "host and indigenous (tribal) population …through comprehensive relief and rehabilitation packages" (2.3).

However this has to be done in orderto ensure the availability and proximity of the minerals to industry(2.4), the economic efficiency of the sector (2.5), new sources ofrevenue for the states (2.6), research and development of exploration techniques, technologies and economic efficiency through optimal use of minerals and training for this purpose (2.7).

Embracing capitalism

In January 2001, the late President KR Narayanan in his address to thenation on the eve of Republic Day referred to the "dilemmas ofdevelopment" and asked the country to consider carefully how it chose to develop its mining industry. "While the nation must benefit fromthe exploitation of these mineral resources, we will have also to take into consideration questions of environmental protection and therights of the tribals," he said.

The National Mining Policy (NMP) 2008 addresses none of theseconcerns. Not only does the policy not address the social andenvironmental consequences of mining, it actually has the potential to aggravate the situation in terms of displacement, deforestation,environmental degradation, and water scarcity.

The emphasis of the NMP 2008 is on extracting minerals for theeconomic development of the country. The development of the people wholive in the areas to be mined has been ignored. International miningcompanies are already jumping at the opportunity of getting at the impressive reserves of minerals. Firms like De Beers of South Africaand the Anglo-Australian mining giant Rio Tinto have acquired huge prospecting rights in Orissa and Madhya Pradesh. The human rights record and environmental practices of these companies have been controversial.

Mineral-rich states such as Orissa, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh havebeen critical of the policy. The chief minister of Orissa went to the extent of alleging that the policy was being influenced by the international mining lobby and that it is against the national interest. He alleged that the policy favours private internationalcompanies and undermines the role of the public sector.
However, these criticisms are restricted to the economic implicationsof the policy. Their main concern is that the state may lose out on royalties. They have not commented on the absence of any measures that would limit the negative social and environmental fallout of mining.In fact the Orissa government has in the past violated and manipulated various environmental and human rights guidelines for issuing mining rights to private companies as is well demonstrated in the case of theVedanta Lanjigarh project and the POSCO projects.

Two other aspects of the NMP that bear questioning are its emphasis onmore mechanised forms of mining, and its reliance on private equityand foreign direct investment.

The policy makes a strong push for more mechanised, less labour-intensive mining, where the industry will largely depend on"skilled" labour with a high level of technical competence. It also proposes to substantially increase the scale of privatisation. Risk investment in survey and prospecting, joint ventures and public-private partnerships are the clear mandates of the policy. Moreover, by making environmental regulations voluntary, in the form of the Sustainable Development Framework (SDF), the NMP proposes to privatise environmental and social regulations in mining. Environmental protection is further compromised by the fact that the policy prescribes no deterrents for non-compliance.

Impact on adivasis and the environment

While the emphasis of the NMP 2008 is on extracting minerals foreconomic development of the country, it pays scant attention to the impact this burgeoning mining activity will have on the environment and the livelihood of local people. Mining always has serious consequences for displacement of people, deforestation, environmental degradation, water scarcity, etc, and these should be seriously addressed in any mining policy. The situation will be further aggravated when the government amends the Mines and Minerals Development and Regulation Act of 1957 to implement the policy directives of the NMP.

The NMP is ambiguous on the subject of rehabilitation and resettlement of the large numbers of adivasis who will be displaced from their lands. Most adivasis are marginal landowners or landless farmers, with no official records to prove their rights over the lands they have been living on and cultivating for centuries. They are thus unlikelyto get any compensation or appropriate rehabilitation if a strictly legalistic approach is adopted.

Mining activity hitherto has neither brought any benefits to local populations nor has it shown any concern for the environment as these facts will show:

* In India, there exists an inverse relationship between mineral production and economic growth. Sixty per cent of the top 50 mineral-producing districts are among the 150 most backward districts of the country even after decades of mining.

* More and more forest land has been diverted for mining, violating the provisions of the Forest Conservation Act of 1980. During 1998-2005, 216 mining projects were granted forest clearance annually, as against 19 per year during 1980-97.

* Mining projects have displaced around 25.5 lakh people during1950-1991, and 52% of the people displaced are adivasis.

* Chhattisgarh, which has a large tribal population, is one of therichest states in India in terms of mineral wealth. The mineral-richdistricts of Bastar, Surguja, Korba and Dantewada are also tribal dominated and heavily forested. New mining projects are coming up in these districts which are among the most backward districts of the state in terms of human and social indicators.

* Mining impacts negatively on the ecosystems of the area. InKorba district of Chhattisgarh, mining activity has affected around78% of the forest area. According to a 2006 study by the Indian Institute of Remote Sensing, 6% of forest land has been completely converted for industrial purposes, 55% changed into barren and wasteland, and around 17% became highly degraded forest.

* West Singhbhum district of Jharkhand has abundant reserves ofiron ore and forests, and 66% of its population is adivasi. Large-scale mining has not brought progress to the peoples here. Almost 50% of the population lives below the poverty line and a significant 19% of households are not food sufficient.

* Forty per cent of the mineral-rich regions are affected byNaxalite insurgency – radicals who use force to overthrow or destabilise existing administrations that they see as corrupt and anti-poor. In Chhattisgarh, the government has pitted the adivasi population against the Naxals under the Salwa Judum, which it calls a peace campaign. This has divided the adivasis who were resisting industrial activity, including mining. This conflict has led to the displacement of about 80,000 people in the state.

Conclusion

As the global economy expands, the pressure on adivasi lands to yield minerals will intensify. Mining is a short-term activity with long-term effects. Though the NMP 2008 talks about scientific mining,it is an unsustainable activity and is based on the extraction ofnon-renewable resources. Millions of people lose their livelihoods because of mining and it has also become the main cause of social unrest, wide spread human rights violation, health hazards for people and environmental degradation.

While it is true that the country needs minerals for infrastructure development, it is equally true that over-consumption by one section of society is destroying the livelihoods and environments of another section, which is at the receiving end of mining. Decades of mining have not contributed much to the economic betterment of local populations and this is particularly true of marginalised groups such as the adivasis. Poor development and marginalisation create conditions for social tensions. Mining is an activity that needs to bestrictly controlled at all stages. Above all, people living in mining areas should have the capacity to take fully-informed decisions on allowing mining in their territories or decide on how to carry out the activity and ensure environmental conservation and social justice. The new NMP needs to examine these issues with a sense of urgency. The policy itself needs to be brought to centrestage and widely discussed.

InfoChange News & Features, January 2009

CAN MINING PROVIDE SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?

Sustainable development mean, any development which can support the life system for generations together. The Highest Court of India while interpreting sustainable development in a case T.N. Godavarman Thirumulpad V/S Union of India and ors reported in ALL SCR 2008 held that “development which meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of the further generation to meet their own needs is sustainable development”.

In Goa mining is projected as the backbone of Goa’s economy, non other then those who are involved in these activity. But whether mining is the backbone of Goa or not or it will brake our backbone in the years to come, is the duty of every concerned citizen of Goa to judge.

That with regard to the propaganda made by the mining lobby claiming that mining is the backbone of Goa’s economy I want to ask certain questions to those who make such a propaganda . Any project or an activity which has a life span of 20 to 25 can be a backbone of a state? A project which destroys the sustainable sources such as agriculture, garden land, once for all can become a backbone? A project which spread air related dieses to the villagers can be a backbone? A project which destroys the life line like water, forest and air can it be termed as backbone? An activity which destroys the people economic zone can become a backbone of a state ? An activity which make the richer, richer and the poor poorer like the Tribals, can that activity be a backbone? Such activity cannot be a backbone of a state.

That from the study done by me on mining over the years I am of the firm conviction that mining activity in Goa which is today falsely projected as backbone of Goa’s economy by non other then the mining lobby will brake the backbone of Goa’s Economy in the years to come and the damage will be so severe will not be able to withstand.

Every Environment Impact Assessment report submitted by the mining company at the time of applying for environment clearance give the life span of a mine as 20 to 25 years that too when the company explore the ore at a certain limit per annum. Assuming for a while that the life span of a particular mine is 25 years, then what about after 25 years? Will the people living in the mining belt will be able to live a decent life on the mine is over? Who will supply the villager with water?

The rich , the landlord by selling their land and those who are employed in government job will flew from the area, but what about the unfortunate citizens, will they without water, without agriculture will be able to survive? It a known fact and made public by the Environment Impact Assessment report of the mining company, that mining destroys water, agriculture, forest and is a cause to different lung related dieses like silicoses, asthma etc as mentioned in the company Environment Impact Assessment report itself. Without water, agriculture, clean air will our future generation will able to survive! Certainly not.

Now presently the way the mining is going on in Goa it destroy the water resources. The Goa’s topographical system is such that there are mountain or ghats on the eastern side which are the of fresh water reservoirs/tanks of Goa , then the plateau/plains followed by the costal belt. The plateau/plains and the costal belt of Goa are being charged with fresh water which flows from the mountain situated on the eastern side. If for mining activity the western ghats/mountains are destroy then in the near future the water problem in Goa will certainly aggravate. Even now though most of the mountain are intact we are not unable to satisfy the water needs of some of the villagers.

The main source of water supply in south Goa is from the Salaulim Irrigation project which is situated in Sanguem taluka. Presently there are a number of illegal mining is going on in the catchment area of Salaulim irrigation project in collaboration with the officials with are supposed to keep a watch. Due to mining siltation the capacity of the dam to hold water has drastically reduce as mentioned by noted environmentalist Shri Rajendra kerkar in his article publish in local daily Sunaparant on 18/8/2008. Every year it goes on reducing. Recently the Ministry of environment and forest has given environment clearance to 8 mining leases in the catchment areas of Salaulim irrigation project. If these mines started their full fledge operation then Salaulim dam will be silted further and in the years to come it will have not capacity to hold water.

Secondly if the mountain in the catchment area are destroyed for mining activity then in the summer season there will be no reservoirs to supply water to the selaulim dam. If the dam is silted then it will be just a monument like other big dams situated in other states. If salaulim dam could not hold water will south Goa will get water. Even now the dam could not supply sufficient water to entire south Goa. Water source is the base for any development, an activity which destroys states water source cannot provide sustainable development.

That now a number of mine owner are operating illegal mines in Cavrem, Maina, Sulcorna, Colomba villages. Now some of the mine owner are seeking environment clearance to operate the age old mining lease which they have never operated.

The if mining takes place in these area then Kushawati River will silt , particularly the low lying area of Kushawati river and in the years to come it will a cause to flood. The rejection from the mine in the years to come will silt our sea which may result in increasing the water level of our sea. This will destroy our beaches and along with it Tourism industry which can provide our state sustainable development.

The villages which are presently self sufficient like Cavrem, Maina, Pirla, Sulcorna of Quepem Taluka and Colomba Rivona of Sanguem taluka, the mining activity will not only destroy these villages but also in the years to come will vipe out these villages from the map of Goa if all the mining leases granted by the then Portuguese government comes into operation in these villages . There will be hardly any place for forest, water reservoirs , agricultural and even fro the villages to live in if all the leases became operational.

That due to the destruction of peoples economic zones, the people of these villages will be without any source of income particularly the Tribals who will be forced to bag on the street. And even to bag on the street there will be difficulty for them due to damage done to their health by the dust pollution generated by the mining activity. I may not be wrong if I say that their condition will be worse then the mining affected people of Jarkhand and Bihar. If any activity which endangers the life itself cannot provide sustainable development.

In my view an activity which cannot provide sustainable development which endangers the state in the future should not be promoted.

John Fernandes in Herald, Panjim 15th September 2008.

New Depth on Land Battles on World Environment Day

GAKUVED call for World Environment Day on June 05 2008 drew very encouraging responses from various sections of people in Goa. The Hall at Don Bosco Farm in Sulcorna was packed with people mostly coming from rural Goa. Fr. Mathias D'Cunha welcomed everyone at the premise while Rama Velip introduced Day's programme. Sebastian Rodrigues, co-ordinator of Mand compared the programme. Here in the above picture Milagrine Antao speaks to the gathering; she spoke briefly yet powerfully about Colamb people's movement against open cast iron mining with specific reference to Police harrasments while they fight.

Architech K.D. Sadhale from Nirmal Vishwa , an Environment focussed organisation based in Ponda recalled his memories on fighting Nylon 6,6 agitation in mid 1990s and how Police were running for shelter when the villagers of Keri, Ponda rose in revolt.

The half day programme was well balanced in attandance; there was very encouraging participation from women in the middle of their struggles to defend life and Earth from mining and real estates.

Motes Antao spoke about Colamb People movement against Fomento mining comapny. One who is sitting left to Motesh is Arun Madgaokar from Ponda. His other colleague Kalidas Savaikar too was present and both of them spoke supporting the villagers in their struggle.

These men came specially for the World Environment Day programme in Sulcorna from not only nearby villages but also from far away villages like in Benaulim, Salcete. 3 members of the State Intelligence Agency - CID and two 2 reglar policemen on duty was present in plain clothes to give first hand reliable reports to the State in panic state and possibly also to the nervous mining industry.

Geraldine Fernanades gave her spirited speech and declared the support of Ganv Ghor Rakhon Manch to the villages of Colamb fighting mining. Geralding came with group of 15 people from Benaulim, Salcete.

Rama Velip from Colamb condemn unleashing of Police force on the village of Colamb. He warned the State government not to treat villagers as terrorists and support mining companies that are all out to destroy so may villages in Goa.

Advocate John Fernanades, who has been actively sopporting people in their struggle against mining industry said that minng as an industry posses severe threat to the State of Goa in creating water shortages.

Shamsunder Naik from Advalpal Gram Sudhar Samiti in Bicholim taluka called for uniti of all the villages afected with mining and need for joint action to pressurise the State government. A group of five people from Advalpal came to Sulcorna for the Environment Day meet.

Sebastian Rodrigues led the gathering in observing one minute silent to pay homage to MLA Gurudas Gawas who died on 4th June 2008. he has been latest victim of the mining industry. He came from mining belt in Bicholim Taluka wherein respiratory deseases are so common. In fact Interim report of the task force mentions that in Goa, majority of cases that occurred have been due to acute respiratory infection. In 2006 alone, 25,559 persons have suffered due to this cause. Pulmonary tuberculosis reported is 2228 during the same period. So many more people have died before him and one minute silent was also to all the nameless, faceless and unknown people of Goa that died.

Dr. Claude Alvares of Goa Foundation, Mapusa called for nationalisation of mining industry in Goa as the private sector has created life threatening situatiopn for people of Goa. With nationalisation, according to him some control on the industry will be possible. Non nationalisation of mining sector has been major condition of the mining elites in secret negotiations caried out with Jawaharlal Nehu before he initiated 'Operation Vijay' in 1961 that drove away Portugal from Goa only to be dominated by mining industry.

Pravin Sabnis, Spokesperson of Goa Bachao Abhiyan (GBA) on SEZ and mining issues shared his solidarity with the struggling groups.

GAKUVED president Durgadas Gaonkar called for No Co-operation Movement in Goa. He demanded repeal of laws that are anti-people. And if the laws are not repealed he called for disoebedience of these laws.

Salvador Dias condemned local MLA Vasu Meng Gaonkar for supporting mining industry. He told the audience that the MLA has not only kept silent on the Colamb people's agitation instead on World Environemtn Day he visited the Fomento mine in Colamb and took part in industry's eye as programme of tree plantation.

Miguel Braganza, IPP of Botanical Society of Goa, remembered the soft-spoken Gurudas Gauns, the Principal of Vividha Higher Secondary School, on the border of the villages of Naveli and Amona in Bicholim taluka. He shared the grief of his father, Prabhakar Yesso Gauns, whom he knows as an honest and hardworking cashew cultivator.

He quoted from page 7 of the “Interim Report” of the Task Force the last line that reads, “In the ultimate analysis, planning is about what we want to become.” Surely, Gurudas would have planned “development” of Naveli differently from the plan that is being prepared by the very government that he was a part of, until yesterday. If the Goa government wants to pay a tribute to its departed member, they have to deal with the mining issue with greater sensitivity to the people living in the mining belt.

Voices on protests against destruction of environment has increased in Goa. This was demonstrated by World Envoronment Day programme in Sulcorna on June 05 2008.

Solidarity also came to the movemtents in Goa from Namdeo Karkare, co-ordinator of Dalit Intellectual Collective based in Mumbai. Karkare extended his support to movements in Goa particularly those fighting mining industry.

While programme was going on Sulcorna, Colamb village wst turned into a fortress by large deplyment of Goa Armed Police in their riot gears protecting the mining companies. The above and below Goa Police was sighted in Colamb at 3.30 pm the programme got over. Armed police had dissapeared before that hence could not be captured on camera after the programme. large plice force was deployed from police station in Canacona.

Later in the evening of June 05 2008 however it become clear to the villagers on reasons for such a heavy police deployments: According to Rama Velip, President of Rivona Unit of GAKUVED Temple committee of temple in Colamb where villagers wanted to hold programme had got into the partnership with the Fomento mining company against the villagers. Temple committee reportedly objected to GAKUVED holding of any programmes in the village. Temple committes' position on mining has come in for severe criticism from the villagers. Some Brahmin landlords who have accepted monetory benefits from the mining company are on the temple committee: mostly their surnames ends up with Prabhudesai. Mining company few months ago offered 5 crore ruppees to the temple but was rejected due to protests by the villagers. According to Rama Velip if this money is accepted by the Temple committee then temple will be turned into private property of the Mining company and few landlords.

They also control Colamb's Communidade by systematically removing names of the local tribal people from the records over the past several decades. They are reponsible for handing over of large tracks of Communidade land to the Fomento mining company. They are also trying to hand over land for mining to MLA Joaquim Alemao.

Besides they are gulty of not protesting when large part of Communidade land was taken over specially the land across Kushavati river and recorded it as land belonging to Rivona. Incidently, through historical trickery they have also usurped lots of private lands and are today landlords using the families whose lands they have usurped as labourers on their farms. Adivasis had no concept of private lands, instead they believe that they are caretakers of the planet to pass on the land for the futue generations. This is indeed noble thought to be remebered on World Environment day.

Awakening is gradually rising amongst adivasis in Colamb and that is worring not only mining companies but also all the historical landgrabbers.

The battle on land had touched new depth in Goa on June 05, 2008! History is being created! Historical silence is being shattered! Voices are rising!

Sebastian Rodrigues